Finding Jamaica's Way**Reprinted with permission from Foreign Policy, vol. 3. no, 31, (Summer 1978), p. 3. Copyright © 1978 by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

1979 ◽  
pp. 126-142
Author(s):  
J. Daniel O'Flaherty
Author(s):  
Paolo Amorosa

The first chapter, like all others in the book, is divided in three sections. Section 1 offers an analysis of the US foreign policy discourse at the turn of the century and connects it with the growing popularity of international law within the elites. Section 2 follows Scott in his work as Secretary Root’s legal advisor at the State Department, until the two moved together to lead the newly established Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The highlight of Scott’s government stint was the 1907 Second Hague Peace Conference, where he championed the project for an international court and created a large part of the transatlantic professional connections that would be crucial to his later projects. Section 3 describes how Scott, since 1910 a powerful administrator at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, deployed the massive resources at his disposal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-586
Author(s):  
Peya Mushelenga

This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region? The assumption is that though relatively a newly established state, Namibia has made her contribution towards democracy, peace and security in the Southern Africa region and the world at large.


Author(s):  
Molly Berkemeier ◽  
Matthew Fuhrmann

This essay reviews academic research on the role of nuclear weapons in foreign policy. It begins by discussing the “Theory of the Nuclear Revolution,” which holds that nuclear weapons revolutionized world politics due to their overwhelming destructive capacity. The article then identifies several ways in which this theory has been challenged in scholarship. The article focuses in particular on four big debates in the literature on nuclear weapons and foreign policy: Does nuclear proliferation promote international peace and stability? Are nuclear weapons useful for coercive diplomacy? Do nuclear weapons make countries more assertive? How does nuclear strategy influence deterrence and security? After discussing these debates, the article concludes by calling for more research on the implications of dual-use nuclear technology for foreign policy and international security.


Author(s):  
BRANKO PODBREŽNIK

Slovenska vojska mora biti v okviru svojih nalog sposobna izvesti vojaško obrambo države, izpolnjevati mednarodne obveznosti, sodelovati v mednarodnih operacijah in na misijah (MOM) ter v sistemu varstva pred naravnimi in drugimi nesrečami. Odločitev države o sodelovanju v MOM je v številnih državah precej zapletena zaradi različnih in med seboj nasprotujočih si političnih pogledov ter ustavnih rešitev. Republika Slovenija aktivno sodeluje v MOM od leta 1997. Tako želi skladno s svojimi zmožnostmi in interesi prispevati k vzpostavitvi mednarodnega miru in sta- bilnosti, predvsem v svoji soseščini, jugovzhodni Evropi. Sodelovanje RS bo imelo v MOM predvsem funkcije varnostnih in zunanjepolitič- nih interesov ter ciljev RS. SV bo zato v MOM sodelovala predvsem z višjo stopnjo tveganja, ki zahteva poudarjeno vojaško silo, in ne več predvsem z operacijami, ki so bližje policijskim nalogam. Within its scope of tasks, the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) should be capable of providing military defence of the country, fulfilling international obligations, and participating in international operations and missions (IOM) as well as in the system of protection against natural and other disasters. In a number of countries, the decision to take part in IOMs is a rather complica- ted one, due to the versatile and contradictory political views and constitutional solutions. The Republic of Slovenia (RS) has been actively participating in IOM since 1997. This is its way of contributing to the establishment of international peace and stability, especially in its neighbourhood, the South-eastern Europe. The IOM engagement of the RS will thus be mainly marked by security and foreign policy interests and will no longer include operations closer to police tasks, but rather participation in IOM with a higher level of risks requiring enhanced military force.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 166-181
Author(s):  
Syed Jawad Shah ◽  
Waseem Ishaque ◽  
Noor Fatima

Foreign policy formulation and management is quite sensitive. No country can either desire or afford to remain isolated internationally. Furthermore, a state is always concerned with its security and survival and cannot afford to sacrifice national interests. As a member of the international community, states, apart from ensuring their national interests are also expected to play their due role for international peace and stability. Pakistan has always followed a pragmatic foreign policy and demonstrated exceptional skills in balancing her relations with major powers and regional players. Pakistan has also maintained a finely balanced policy towards Middle East and Gulf. The crises in Yemen, transformation in the Middle East and transitional balance of power demand a reevaluation of our foreign policy which avoids a zerosum game between Iran and Saudi Arabia so that Pakistan can also remain relevant to the regional and international players.


Author(s):  
BRANKO PODBREŽNIK

Within its scope of tasks, the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) should be capable of providing military defence of the country, fulfilling international obligations, and participating in international operations and missions (IOM) as well as in the system of protection against natural and other disasters. In a number of countries, the decision to take part in IOMs is a rather complicated one, due to the diverse and contradictory political views and constitutional solutions. The Republic of Slovenia (RS) has actively participated in IOMs since 1997. In this way, it aims to contribute, in accordance with its capabilities and interests, to the establishment of international peace and stability, especially in its neighbourhood, the South-Eastern Europe (SEE). Thus, in the future, the engagement of the RS in IOMs will mostly be subject to its security and foreign policy interests and objectives. The SAF participation in IOMs will no longer primarily include operations closer to police tasks, but rather those associated with a higher level of risk requiring enhanced military force. Slovenska vojska mora biti v okviru svojih nalog sposobna izvesti vojaško obrambo države, izpolnjevati mednarodne obveznosti, sodelovati v mednarodnih operacijah in na misijah (MOM) ter v sistemu varstva pred naravnimi in drugimi nesrečami. Odločitev države o sodelovanju v MOM je v številnih državah precej zapletena zaradi različnih in med seboj nasprotujočih si političnih pogledov ter ustavnih rešitev. Republika Slovenija aktivno sodeluje v MOM od leta 1997. Tako želi skladno s svojimi zmožnostmi in interesi prispevati k vzpostavitvi mednarodnega miru in stabilnosti, predvsem v svoji soseščini, jugovzhodni Evropi. Sodelovanje RS bo imelo v MOM predvsem funkcije varnostnih in zunanjepolitičnih interesov ter ciljev RS. SV bo zato v MOM sodelovala predvsem z višjo stopnjo tveganja, ki zahteva poudarjeno vojaško silo, in ne več predvsem z operacijami, ki so bližje policijskim nalogam.


Author(s):  
Pavel V. Shamarov ◽  

The article identifies and reveals objective political and legal correlations between international peacekeeping activities and international criminal justice, which allows positioning the latter as the final phase of the UN peacekeeping practice. The need to take into acco unt such correlation in domestic peacekeeping is substantiated on the basis of lobbying in the world for the perception of such practice of Russia from the angle of reconciliation of the conflicting parties; geopolitical obstacle to the implementation of any form of genocide; ensuring international peace and security. The need is substantiated to increase the international significance of our country using unconventional foreign policy approaches and technologies in the interests of systematically getting ahead of Russia’s geopolitical competitors in the international political, legal, and peacekeeping sphere.


Author(s):  
Hugo D. Lodge

The potential scope of UK sanctions has been considerably broadened by the 2018 Act. HM Government can now impose sanctions regulations considered ‘appropriate’ for a diverse range of purposes. These include those made to comply with a UN obligation or any other international obligation, for the prevention of terrorism, in the interests of national or international peace and security or, most broadly of all, to further a UK foreign policy objective. Further, the Magnitsky amendment was a late change to the Act, allowing the UK to impose sanctions on people who commit gross human rights violations. The scope of the UK sanctions regime is therefore wider post-Brexit, given UK sanctions will not effectively need approval by the twenty-seven other EU Member States in the future.


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