scholarly journals PARTICIPATION OF THE SLOVENIAN ARMED FORCES IN INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS AND MISSIONS IN THE LIGHT OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA

2015 ◽  
pp. 77-98
Author(s):  
BRANKO PODBREŽNIK
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Force ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Political Views ◽  
International Operations ◽  
International Obligations ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
The Republic

Within its scope of tasks, the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) should be capable of providing military defence of the country, fulfilling international obligations, and participating in international operations and missions (IOM) as well as in the system of protection against natural and other disasters. In a number of countries, the decision to take part in IOMs is a rather complicated one, due to the diverse and contradictory political views and constitutional solutions. The Republic of Slovenia (RS) has actively participated in IOMs since 1997. In this way, it aims to contribute, in accordance with its capabilities and interests, to the establishment of international peace and stability, especially in its neighbourhood, the South-Eastern Europe (SEE). Thus, in the future, the engagement of the RS in IOMs will mostly be subject to its security and foreign policy interests and objectives. The SAF participation in IOMs will no longer primarily include operations closer to police tasks, but rather those associated with a higher level of risk requiring enhanced military force. Slovenska vojska mora biti v okviru svojih nalog sposobna izvesti vojaško obrambo države, izpolnjevati mednarodne obveznosti, sodelovati v mednarodnih operacijah in na misijah (MOM) ter v sistemu varstva pred naravnimi in drugimi nesrečami. Odločitev države o sodelovanju v MOM je v številnih državah precej zapletena zaradi različnih in med seboj nasprotujočih si političnih pogledov ter ustavnih rešitev. Republika Slovenija aktivno sodeluje v MOM od leta 1997. Tako želi skladno s svojimi zmožnostmi in interesi prispevati k vzpostavitvi mednarodnega miru in stabilnosti, predvsem v svoji soseščini, jugovzhodni Evropi. Sodelovanje RS bo imelo v MOM predvsem funkcije varnostnih in zunanjepolitičnih interesov ter ciljev RS. SV bo zato v MOM sodelovala predvsem z višjo stopnjo tveganja, ki zahteva poudarjeno vojaško silo, in ne več predvsem z operacijami, ki so bližje policijskim nalogam.

scholarly journals SODELOVANJE SLOVENSKE VOJSKE V MEDNARODNIH OPERACIJAH IN NA MISIJAH V LUČI ZUNANJE POLITIKE REPUBLIKE SLOVENIJE

2012 ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
BRANKO PODBREŽNIK
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Force ◽  
International Peace ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
Political Views ◽  
International Obligations ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
The Republic

Slovenska vojska mora biti v okviru svojih nalog sposobna izvesti vojaško obrambo države, izpolnjevati mednarodne obveznosti, sodelovati v mednarodnih operacijah in na misijah (MOM) ter v sistemu varstva pred naravnimi in drugimi nesrečami. Odločitev države o sodelovanju v MOM je v številnih državah precej zapletena zaradi različnih in med seboj nasprotujočih si političnih pogledov ter ustavnih rešitev. Republika Slovenija aktivno sodeluje v MOM od leta 1997. Tako želi skladno s svojimi zmožnostmi in interesi prispevati k vzpostavitvi mednarodnega miru in sta- bilnosti, predvsem v svoji soseščini, jugovzhodni Evropi. Sodelovanje RS bo imelo v MOM predvsem funkcije varnostnih in zunanjepolitič- nih interesov ter ciljev RS. SV bo zato v MOM sodelovala predvsem z višjo stopnjo tveganja, ki zahteva poudarjeno vojaško silo, in ne več predvsem z operacijami, ki so bližje policijskim nalogam. Within its scope of tasks, the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) should be capable of providing military defence of the country, fulfilling international obligations, and participating in international operations and missions (IOM) as well as in the system of protection against natural and other disasters. In a number of countries, the decision to take part in IOMs is a rather complica- ted one, due to the versatile and contradictory political views and constitutional solutions. The Republic of Slovenia (RS) has been actively participating in IOM since 1997. This is its way of contributing to the establishment of international peace and stability, especially in its neighbourhood, the South-eastern Europe. The IOM engagement of the RS will thus be mainly marked by security and foreign policy interests and will no longer include operations closer to police tasks, but rather participation in IOM with a higher level of risks requiring enhanced military force.

CROATIAN POLITICS: SYMBOLS AND INACTIVITY

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-126
Author(s):  
Tvtrko Yakovina
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Croatia in close connection with its domestic policy. The author examines the balance of political forces in the country on the eve, during and after the presidential elections in 2019/2020, as well as the elections to Sabor (parliament) in July 2020. He describes in detail the situation in the party that won the elections to Sabor, - the Croatian Democratic Union, - and the internal party struggle between representatives of the centrist and right-wing nationalist groups. Largely thanks to the current leader and prime minister of Croatia A. Plenković, it ended in 2020 with the victory of the centrists. At the same time, the presidential elections in December 2019 - January 2020 were won by the candidate of the left-center - Social Democrat Z. Milanović, who defeated the CDU representative K. Grabar-Kitarović, who held this post. The author believes that in Croatia, as a result of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019/2020, a situation has developed in which the president and the prime minister, representatives of the left and the right centers respectively, can, through joint efforts, pursuing their own political goals, update Croatia’s domestic and foreign policy, including in the Balkan / South-Eastern Europe region. The previous policy of Croatia, according to the author, was unsuccessful. The previous leadership of Croatia, using as a basis the ideology of nationalism and fearing that Croatia would be historically associated with Yugoslavia and the Balkans, pursued a policy of self-isolation in the very region in which Croatia could play an important role. The balance of power formed in Croatia in 2020 makes it possible to intensify Croatia’s policy in the region, on the basis of a possible normalization of relations with the Serbian community of the country as well as through the process of improving relations with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without this transformation, the final stabilization in the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region is impossible.

The Conduct of Gazprom in Central and Eastern Europe: A Tool of the Kremlin, or Just an Adaptable Player?

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 818-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Jirušek ◽  
Petra Kuchyňková
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Strategic Approach ◽  
Dominant Market Position ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
Security Indicators

This article presents the results of evidence-based research into the behaviour of Gazprom and the relevant behaviour of the Russian government in selected countries of Central, Eastern, and South-Eastern Europe (the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Moldova, and Belarus). The authors’ aim was to determine the scope of involvement by the Russian government in problems that have arisen in supplying these states, and the degree to which these issues have been linked with Gazprom’s conduct and Russia’s foreign policy toward the countries. Another interest was to seek out the key factors that may determine this behaviour in particular environments. To address these goals, the authors monitored specific indicators defined by the strategic approach to energy security (indicators that uncover governmental support, the linking of foreign policy to gas supplies, and misuse of a dominant market position). The core of the research underlying the paper was organized as a set of individual idiographic, theory-guided case studies. Data were gathered from official documents, statistics, articles, analytical studies, and from semi-structured interviews with experts. The exploration revealed that Gazprom has behaved in such a way as to indicate that it is being used as a tool of foreign policy, but the primary factor controlling its behaviour remains the environment in which the company is operating. Two points were crucial: implementation of the IEM rules and—above all—the diversification of sources.

The Role of Congress in the History of US Foreign Relations

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clay Silver Katsky
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Policy Decision ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
The Republic

While presidents have historically been the driving force behind foreign policy decision-making, Congress has used its constitutional authority to influence the process. The nation’s founders designed a system of checks and balances aimed at establishing a degree of equilibrium in foreign affairs powers. Though the president is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and the country’s chief diplomat, Congress holds responsibility for declaring war and can also exert influence over foreign relations through its powers over taxation and appropriation, while the Senate possesses authority to approve or reject international agreements. This separation of powers compels the executive branch to work with Congress to achieve foreign policy goals, but it also sets up conflict over what policies best serve national interests and the appropriate balance between executive and legislative authority. Since the founding of the Republic, presidential power over foreign relations has accreted in fits and starts at the legislature’s expense. When core American interests have come under threat, legislators have undermined or surrendered their power by accepting presidents’ claims that defense of national interests required strong executive action. This trend peaked during the Cold War, when invocations of national security enabled the executive to amass unprecedented control over America’s foreign affairs.

COMMUNICATION SYSTEMS OF POLISH MILITARY CONTINGENTS IN PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS AND STABILIZATION MISSIONS

2012 ◽  
Vol 164 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-115
Author(s):  
Maciej MARCZYK
Keyword(s):  
Communication Networks ◽  
Communication Systems ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
National Security Strategy ◽  
International Operations ◽  
Technical Specifications ◽  
The Republic

Polish soldiers have long participated in international operations under the auspices of various organizations, primarily the UN. However, since Poland’s accession to NATO and the adoption of our country to European Union, the activities of our military contingents have focused primarily on participation in international operations, organized by the two organizations and under the terms of their procedures. Poland, as part of joint and several actions to ensure common security, has actively been engaged in military operations and non-military missions of various international organizations, as well as local actions in the ad hoc coalition created. The degree of involvement and geographical areas are determined by the current capabilities of the armed forces and the clearly defined objectives coincide with the Polish raison d'etat, as defined in the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Polish and expressed in their efforts to strengthen Poland’s international position. This paper presents the results of research on the functioning of NEC communication network (the Polish military contingent) in military operations abroad. The research was carried out among the soldiers-specialists who were involved in international operations and it focused on the organizational requirements: the technical specifications for the NEC communication networks. Also, the research concerned the organization and operation of communication networks and its services as well as the means of communication and IT used by the staff, users, soldiers and NEC employees.

scholarly journals DELOVANJE SLOVENSKE VOJSKE V ČASU EPIDEMIJE COVIDA-19

2021 ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
TANJA KREMŽAR KOVAČ
Keyword(s):  
Key Words ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Medical Unit ◽  
International Operations ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Additional Support ◽  
The Military ◽  
Epidemiological Situation ◽  
At Home

V prispevku je predstavljen pojav epidemije covida-19 v Republiki Sloveniji, s poudarkom na delovanju Slovenske vojske. Opisujemo odziv Slovenske vojske na epidemijo in postopke ter procese, ki jih je izvajala na svojih nalogah tako doma kot v mednarodnih operacijah in na misijah v tujini, ter omogočila dodatno podporo državi in državljanom pri spoprijemanju z novim virusom. Poudarek je na postopkih in procesih, vodenih v Vojaški zdravstveni enoti, za spremljanje epidemioloških razmer. Delovanje Slovenske vojske, ki se navezuje na delovanje njihovih zdravstvenih enot med epidemijo covid-19, primerjamo z nekaterimi drugimi oboroženimi silami. Ključne besede covid-19, epidemija, virus, Slovenska vojska, Vojaška zdravstvena enota. Abstract The article presents the phenomenon of the COVID-19 epidemic in the Republic of Slovenia with focus on the activities of the Slovenian Armed Forces. It describes the response of the Slovenian Armed Forces to the epidemic, and the procedures and processes applied as part of its missions at home and in international operations and missions abroad. These activities provided additional support to the state and its citizens in dealing with the new virus. The emphasis is put on the procedures and processes of the Military Medical Unit aimed at monitoring the epidemiological situation. Additionally, the epidemic-related activities of the Slovenian Armed Forces and its medical units are compared to the activities of several other armed forces. Key words COVID-19, epidemic, virus, Slovenian Armed Forces, Military Medical Unit

scholarly journals Analysis of the Impact of Transport Corridor Vc on the Port of Ploče

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-477
Author(s):  
Serđo Kos ◽  
Mario Bakota ◽  
David Brčić
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Flow Data ◽  
Port Development ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
Successful Execution ◽  
South Eastern Europe ◽  
Development Plans ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Statistical Indicators

The importance of the Port of Ploče lies in serving the majority of the Bosnian market. However, the Pan-European Corridor Vc provides access to a much wider market in Central and South-Eastern Europe. The purpose of this paper is to express views on the future development of the Corridor and its consequential impact on the Port. This was conducted by means of analysis, comparison, and synthesis of cargo flow data and the dynamics data of the Corridor Vc construction. It covers the relations between Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and the Republic of Croatia, and the assessment of importance of the Corridor in those countries. Statistical indicators show the importance of the Corridor completion for the successful execution of port development plans. The analysis of the Corridor status points to the current prevailing circumstances in BiH that make its realization ultimately uncertain, especially its railway component. The findings show that the most significant obstacles for a successful realization of Port of Ploče development plans are not only within the BiH internal geo-political relationships but in the disputes between BiH and the Republic of Croatia (RH) as well. Consequently, it has been shown that the Port of Ploče is not able to define and carry out the necessary measures toward BiH on its own but necessarily with the participation of the RH Government. The analysis offers observations and recommendations for improving relations with BiH, which would significantly advance the completion of the Corridor in BiH. In this way, it would allow for a full establishment of the Port of Ploče on target markets.

Security Council

1948 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-98
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Military Action ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Republic

On July 31,1947, the Security Council began its discussion of the Indonesia question as the result of communications from two Members of the United Nations. India, under Article 35(1) of the Charter, contended that the “large scali military action against the Indonesian people” initiated by the Dutch endangered the maintenance of international peace under Article 34. Australia stated that the hostilities between the armed forces “of the Netherlands and of the Republic of Indonesia” constituted a breach of the peace under Article 39 and suggested that the Council should call upon the two governments to cease hostilities and commence arbitration in accordance with Article 17 of the Linggadjati Agreement signed by the two parties on March 25, 1947.

The Economic Origins of the Noskepolitik

1994 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-86
Author(s):  
William Carl Mathews
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Violence ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Very High ◽  
Rosa Luxemburg

On 29 December 1918 Gustav Noske was appointed as a People's Commissar and charged with command of the armed forces in Germany. Within days Noske was confronted with an armed in surrection in Berlin, the so-called Spartacist Uprising, and subsequent revolutionary outbreaks in Bremen, Braunschweig, and the Ruhr, where sympathy for the events in Berlin existed. Relying on volunteer units, the Free Corps (drawn from war veterans, students, and the middle classes), Noske developed a powerful army on which he could rely to suppress the revolutionary violence from the Left. Using military force and martial law, he reestablished order throughout Germany in 1919 and 1920. The results of the so-called Noskepolitik were at best mixed. Mass movements based on the councils (Räte), often identified as “bolshevism’ by Noske and his contemporaries, were indeed suppressed, but the price was very high: counterrevolution and right-wing terror developed to the point that massive protests were provoked among wide segments of the working class. Bloodshed ensued, including the political murders of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht by members of the Free Corps. Many workers became alienated from the newly formed Weimar Republic, while the Reichswehr drifted into hostility toward the young democracy, and some units joined in the Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch in March 1920. Noske, already under serious criticism from his own party, the Social Democrats, was forced to resign because of his inability to control the army and guarantee its loyalty to the Republic.

scholarly journals Study on the Optimal Level of Military Power after Reunification -Focusing on the Size of Military Strength-

1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (0) ◽  
pp. 103-130
Author(s):  
Chul Joon Hwang
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
World Order ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Optimal Level ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Military Force ◽  
World Peace ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Cold War

The collapse of the Cold War Era beginning in the late 80s has created a new world order which can be characterized as a multipolarization of world politics and economics. This multipolarization has contributed to the world peace since the end of World WarⅡ on one hand, but also contributed to the spread of racism and nationalism based on each nation's ever-growing national selfishness in such a competitive environment, creating all sorts of conflicts. The importance of Far East for world peace has increased, and there is tremendous effort to find the most effective way to pursue the reunification of Korea in such a fast-changing environment of the region. Moreover, the purpose of this study is, under the hypothesis of reunification of Korea led by South Korea, to identify an optimal level of military power of reunified Korea armed forces in terms of its number of military force to cope with future environments in the region the reunified Korea will face. (This study consists of the auther's personal opinions, and it does not represent the Republic of Korea Army)

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