Chaos, self-organized criticality, and SETAR nonlinearity: An analysis of purchasing power parity between Canada and the United States

2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (5) ◽  
pp. 1437-1444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Apostolos Serletis ◽  
Asghar Shahmoradi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Purchasing Power ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Self Organized ◽  
Self Organized Criticality

scholarly journals Final years of the silver standard in Mexico: evidence of purchasing power parity with the United States

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Bojanic
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Purchasing Power ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Silver Standard

This paper focuses on the use of silver as a monetary standard in Mexico during approximately the last three decades of the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century. During this period, several events occurred in the market for silver that affected those countries attached to this metal. These events caused some of these countries to abandon silver for good and adopt other types of monetary arrangements. Mexico and a few others chose to stay with it.The reasons behind this decision are analyzed. Additionally, evidence that supports the theory of purchasing power parity between Mexico and the United States is also presented and analyzed.

Estimating the Financial Incentive for Caribbean Teachers to Migrate: An Analysis of Salary Differentials using Purchasing Power Parity (PPP)

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
Gavin George ◽  
Bruce Rhodes ◽  
Christine Laptiste
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
Financial Incentive ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
The United States ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
Purchasing Power ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
The Caribbean

The teaching stock within the Caribbean region has been eroded by migration to developed countries. Higher potential earnings are one of the motivating factors to move abroad, but little is known about the extent of the income disparity between countries in the Caribbean and popular destination countries. Teacher salary comparisons are undertaken between selected countries in the Caribbean; Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, St. Lucia, and Jamaica and popular destination countries, namely; United Kingdom, United States, and Canada using a purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rate. Results show that newly qualified teachers can earn substantially more abroad, with Canada paying over twice the PPP adjusted salary compared to that offered in Jamaica (133.1%) and Suriname (110.6%). The United States offers the highest earning increases for mid- and late career teachers at over three times that offered in Jamaica (214.5%) and Suriname (223.4%). Canada is a close second across all Caribbean countries, whilst the United Kingdom offers the smallest salary differentials at 153.6% for Jamaica and 64.8% for St. Lucia. The study further reveals that there are salary disparities within the Caribbean, which may be a motivating factor for intra-regional migration.

The Valuation of Rhytidectomy in Different Economic Markets

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (05) ◽  
pp. 665-669
Author(s):  
Anisha R. Kumar ◽  
Lisa E. Ishii ◽  
Ira Papel ◽  
Theda C. Kontis ◽  
David Chen ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
Cosmetic Surgery ◽  
Emerging Market ◽  
The United States ◽  
Purchasing Power ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Cross Sectional Survey ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Economic Markets

AbstractThis study demonstrates that the trend of how rhytidectomy is valued can be used to determine not only the pricing of this good but also how receptive developing economic markets are to the export of cosmetic facial plastic surgery. This study seeks to analyze and compare the value of rhytidectomy in an established market and an emerging market. A cross-sectional survey was administered through public online forums to 162 casual observers in the United States and 74 casual observers in India. Participants were shown pre- and postoperative photos of 10 patients who underwent cosmetic rhinoplasty and 2 patients who did not undergo surgery. Observers were asked to quantify the perceived change in attractiveness, change in age, and willingness to pay (WTP). There is a similar nonlinear trend between WTP and change in attractiveness in both the United States and India. Baseline values of rhytidectomy in the United States and India have a similar ratio of 2.122 compared with the ratio between both countries in the 2018 Big Mac index. The comparison of the trend in WTP in the United States and India shows that facial cosmetic surgery functions as a luxury good in both an established market and an emerging market. Our model successfully approximates the relationship between each country's purchasing power parity. Since the market behavior of rhytidectomy can be predicted based on purchasing power parity, there may be an untapped market for facial cosmetic surgery among populations with growing economies.

Economy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mira Kamdar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Purchasing Power ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
The World

What is the size of India’s economy and how fast is it growing? In terms of purchasing power parity, India’s $2.3 trillion economy ranked third in the world after the United States and China in 2016. Purchasing power parity means a comparison of economies in...

scholarly journals Drug prices in Latin American countries: the case of rheumatoid arthritis Biosimilars

2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas
Keyword(s):  
Rheumatoid Arthritis ◽  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Drug Prices ◽  
The Us ◽  
Latin American Countries

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.

Foreign Policy of Saudi Arabia

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Nuruzzaman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Military Support

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a major actor in Middle Eastern as well as global politics. Founded in 1932 by King Abd al-Aziz Al Saud, commonly known as Ibn Saud, the kingdom rests on an alliance between the Al Saud royal family and the followers of 18th-century Islamic revivalist Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab. The strategic and geo-economic significance of the kingdom originates from its location and possession of huge oil resources. It borders the world’s two immensely significant strategic sea trade routes—the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, boasts of being the world’s largest oil exporter, and is home to Islam’s two holiest sites—Mecca and Medina. Though not a militarily significant power, the kingdom’s vast oil wealth has gradually and greatly elevated its status as an influential global economic and financial power. Currently, it is the world’s seventeenth largest economy ($1.774 trillion, 2017 estimate based on purchasing power parity, or PPP) and a member of the elite G20 club of world economic powers. The economic good fortune notwithstanding, the Saudis have traditionally depended on the United States, especially after World War II, for security guarantees and pursued a foreign policy of restraint guided by preferences for soft power tools like mediation in regional conflicts, financial aid and investments, and diplomatic influence. Relations with the United States, mostly smooth but occasionally rocky (for example, the 1973 Saudi-led oil embargo on the West and the 9/11 attacks), has remained the cornerstone of Saudi foreign policy. A series of recent developments, most notably the rise of regional rival Iran following the 2003 American invasion of Iraq, the contagious effects of Arab pro-democracy movements, and the proclamation of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in the summer of 2014 forced a major overhaul in Saudi foreign policy. A fundamental shift from the traditional policy of restraint to a proactive foreign policy took root from the early 2010s. King Abdullah bin Abd al-Aziz sent troops to Bahrain in March 2011 to stifle the Shiʿa -led pro-democracy movements; incumbent King Salman bin Abd al-Aziz, soon after ascending the throne in January 2015, launched a massive air attack on Yemen to punish the allegedly pro-Iran Houthi rebels, and doubled down financial and military support for the pro-Saudi rebel groups fighting against the Iran- and Russia-backed Bashar Al-Assad government in Syria. The kingdom has justified this proactive foreign policy approach as a necessary response to force Shiʿa powerhouse Iran to scale back its presence in Arab countries and to keep Iranian power under check. Lately, the kingdom is pursuing policies to court Israel to jointly square off with their common enemy Iran and weaken pro-Iran Lebanese militia group Hezbollah’s military capabilities.

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