A comprehensive evaluation of zero energy buildings in cold regions: Actual performance and key technologies of cases from China, the US, and the European Union

The residential sector of the European Union consumes 27% of the final energy of the European Union, and approximately two-thirds of the existing dwellings in the European Union were built before 1980. For this reason, the European Union aims to transform the existing residential building stock into nearly zero-energy buildings by 2050 through energy renovation. The most effective method to achieve this goal is to increase the thermal insulation of opaque elements of the thermal envelope. This study aims to assess the energy, environmental and economic impacts of the energy renovation of the thermal envelopes that are typical of the existing multi-family buildings of the 26 provincial capitals in the cold climate zones of Spain. To achieve this goal, the insulation thickness to be added to the walls, roof and first floor framework is optimized by a life cycle cost analysis, and the existing building openings are replaced, thus minimizing both the total heating costs and the total heating and cooling costs. The study uses four thermal insulation materials for four different heating and cooling systems in 10 different models. The results obtained will be used to propose energy renovation solutions to achieve nearly zero-energy buildings both in Spain and in similar Mediterranean climate zones.

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System boundaries of nearly zero-energy buildings in the European Union: rethinking the legal framework for active consumer participation

Journal of Energy & Natural Resources Law ◽

10.1080/02646811.2019.1572380 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 37 (4) ◽

pp. 389-404

Author(s):

Sirja-Leena Penttinen ◽

Leonie Reins

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

Legal Framework ◽

Consumer Participation ◽

The European Union ◽

Zero Energy ◽

System Boundaries ◽

Active Consumer ◽

Zero Energy Buildings

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Preventive Debt Restructuring and the Nigerian Draft Insolvency Legislation: Lessons from a Comparative Perspective

African Journal of International and Comparative Law ◽

10.3366/ajicl.2020.0302 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 28 (1) ◽

pp. 66-84

Author(s):

Sanford U. Mba

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

Economic Crisis ◽

Final Analysis ◽

The European Union ◽

Debt Restructuring ◽

The Us ◽

Financially Distressed ◽

Bankruptcy Code ◽

Second Chance

Recently, the Nigerian Senate passed the Bankruptcy and Insolvency (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill. This is no doubt a welcome development following the continued demand by insolvency practitioners, academics and other stakeholders for such legislation. The call has not only been for the enactment of just about any legislation, but (consistent with the economic challenges faced by businesses in the country), one that is favourably disposed to the successful restructuring of financially distressed businesses, allowing them to weather the storm of (impending) insolvency, emerge from it and continue to operate within the economy. This article seeks to situate this draft legislative instrument within the present wave of preventive restructuring ably espoused in the European Union Recommendation on New Approaches to Business Rescue and to Give Entrepreneurs a Second Chance (2014), which itself draws largely from Chapter 11 of the US Bankruptcy Code. The article draws a parallel between the economic crisis that gave rise to the preventive restructuring approach of the Recommendation and the present economic situation in Nigeria; it then examines the chances of such restructuring under the Nigerian draft bankruptcy and insolvency legislation. It argues in the final analysis that the draft legislation does not provide for a prophylactic recourse regime for financially distressed businesses. Consequently, a case is made for such an approach.

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TTIP, CETA, and TiSA Behind Closed Doors

10.1093/oso/9780198808893.003.0010 ◽

2017 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Panagiotis Delimatsis

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

Global Governance ◽

Early Stage ◽

European Parliament ◽

Trade Negotiations ◽

The European Union ◽

The Us ◽

The Eu

Secrecy and informality rather than transparency traditionally reign trade negotiations at the bilateral, regional, and multilateral levels. Yet, transparency ranks among the most basic desiderata in the grammar of global governance and has been regarded as positively related to legitimacy. In the EU’s case, transparent trade diplomacy is quintessential for constitutional—but also for broader political—reasons. First, even if trade matters fall within the EU’s exclusive competence, the EU executive is bound by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) to inform the European Parliament, the EU co-legislator, in regular intervals. Second, transparency at an early stage is important to address public reluctance, suspicion, or even opposition regarding a particular trade deal. This chapter chronicles the quest for and turning moments relating to transparency during the EU trade negotiations with Canada (CETA); the US (TTIP), and various WTO members on services (TiSA).

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EUROPEAN FISCAL RULES AS A LIABILITY IN THE TRANSATLANTIC TRADE CONFLICT: LESSONS FROM NiGEM SIMULATIONS

National Institute Economic Review ◽

10.1017/nie.2020.41 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 254 ◽

pp. R54-R66 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Sebastian Dullien ◽

Sabine Stephan ◽

Thomas Theobald

Keyword(s):

Economic Growth ◽

European Union ◽

Fiscal Policy ◽

Fiscal Rules ◽

The European Union ◽

Negative Effects ◽

Transatlantic Trade ◽

The Us ◽

Trump Administration

Under the Trump administration, a transatlantic trade conflict has been escalating step by step. First, it was about tariffs on steel and aluminium, then about retaliation for the French digital tax, which is suspended until the end of the year. Most recently, the US administration threatened the European Union with tariffs on cars and car parts because of Canadian seafood being subject to lower import duties. As simulations with NiGEM show, a further escalation of the transatlantic trade conflict has the potential to slow down economic growth significantly in the countries involved. This is a considerable risk given the fact that the countries have to cope with the enormous negative effects of the pandemic shock. Furthermore, the damage caused by the trade conflict depends on the extent to which the affected countries use fiscal policy to stabilise their economies.

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The Trend of Scientific Productivity of Chinese, EuropeanUnion, and United States Universities and Private Companies: Does the Future Belong to E-Technology Companies?

Publications ◽

10.3390/publications9020018 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 9 (2) ◽

pp. 18

Author(s):

Mauro G. Carta ◽

Matthias C. Angermeyer ◽

Silvano Tagliagambe

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

European Union ◽

Scientific Productivity ◽

The United States ◽

The European Union ◽

Private Companies ◽

American Universities ◽

The Us ◽

Parametric Statistics ◽

The Eu

The purpose is to verify trends of scientific production from 2010 to 2020, considering the best universities of the United States, China, the European Union (EU), and private companies. The top 30 universities in 2020 in China, the EU, and the US and private companies were selected from the SCImago institutions ranking (SIR). The positions in 2020, 2015, and 2010 in SIR and three sub-indicators were analyzed by means of non-parametric statistics, taking into consideration the effect of time and group on rankings. American and European Union universities have lost positions to Chinese universities and even more to private companies, which have improved. In 2020, private companies have surpassed all other groups considering Innovation as a sub-indicator. The loss of leadership of European and partly American universities mainly concerns research linked to the production of patents. This can lead to future risks of monopoly that may elude public control and cause a possible loss of importance of research not linked to innovation.

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The socio-political roots of pharmaceutical uncertainty in the evaluation of ‘innovative’ diabetes drugs in the European Union and the US

Social Science & Medicine ◽

10.1016/j.socscimed.2011.02.035 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 72 (9) ◽

pp. 1574-1581 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Courtney Davis ◽

John Abraham

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

The European Union ◽

The Us

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The European Union currencies and the US dollar: from post-Bretton-Woods to the Euro

Journal of International Money and Finance ◽

10.1016/j.jimonfin.2004.09.001 ◽

2004 ◽

Author(s):

M GADEA

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

The European Union ◽

Bretton Woods ◽

The Us ◽

Us Dollar

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Germany's relations with the United States and China from a strategic triangle perspective

International Affairs ◽

10.1093/ia/iiab170 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Sebastian Biba

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

European Union ◽

The United States ◽

Great Power ◽

The European Union ◽

Bilateral Relations ◽

Puzzle Piece ◽

The Us ◽

The World ◽

Angela Merkel

Abstract As the Sino-American Great Power competition continues to intensify, newly-elected US President Joe Biden's administration now seeks to enlist the support of its allies and partners around the world. As Europe's largest economy and a, if not the, leading voice within the European Union, Germany represents an important puzzle-piece for Biden. But Germany, at least under outgoing chancellor Angela Merkel, has been reluctant to take sides. It is against this backdrop that this article looks into Germany's past and present trilateral relationships with the US and China through the theoretical lens of the so-called strategic triangle approach. Applying this approach, the article seeks to trace and explain German behaviour, as well as to elucidate the opportunities and pitfalls that have come with it. The article demonstrates that Germany's recently gained position as a ‘pivot’ (two positive bilateral relationships) between the US and Chinese ‘wings’ (positive bilateral relations with Germany and negative bilateral relations with each other) is desirable from the perspective of the strategic triangle. At the same time, being pivot is also challenging and hard to maintain. Alternative options, such as entering a US–German ‘marriage’ directed against China, are also problematic. The article therefore concludes that Germany has tough decisions to take going forward.

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