Rethinking infrastructure rehabilitation: Conflict resilience of urban water and energy supply in the Middle East and South Sudan

2021 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 102052
Author(s):  
Emma Lauren Roach ◽  
Mohammad Al-Saidi
2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (04) ◽  
pp. 597-619
Author(s):  
Hany Besada ◽  
Justine Salam

China is in dire need of energy resources to sustain its economic growth. In recent years, China has been turning more to Saudi Arabia and Iran in the Middle East, as well as Sudan in North Africa, as trading partners to secure its energy supply. This article explores China’s energy strategy in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region through case studies of China’s energy diplomacy with Saudi Arabia and Iran. It argues that China’s energy strategy is very much driven by the “Beijing Consensus” that features respect for others’ sovereignty, emphasis on sustainability, equality, and quality-of-life, as well as incremental change to past institutions and practices. China has applied an equity ownership strategy to gain more control over oil flows as a shield against price fluctuations and to reduce the possibility of supply interruption; however, civil unrest and conflicts in the MENA region threaten to disrupt China’s energy supply channels, which implies that China should work harder for regional peace in order to achieve sustainable energy supply.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 757-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehdi P. Amineh ◽  
Wina H. J. Crijns-Graus

euenergy policy objectives are directed at three highly interdependent areas: energy supply security, competitiveness and decarbonization to prevent climate change. In this paper, we focus on the issue of energy supply security. Security of energy supply for the immediate and medium-term future is a necessary condition in the current context of the global political economy for the survival of the Union and its component member states. Since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, energy policy no longer comes onto the agenda of the European Commission through the backdoor of the common market, environment and competitiveness. The Treaty created a new legal basis for the internal energy market. However, securing external supplies as well as deciding the energy mix, remain matters of national prerogative, though within the constraints of other parts of eu’s legislation in force. Without a common defense policy, the highly import dependent Union and its members face external instability in the energy rich Arab Middle East and North Africa.Concern about energy security has been triggered by declining European energy production as well as the strain on global demand exerted by newly industrializing economies such as China and India and the Middle East, as well as the political instability in this reserve-rich part of the world. This paper explores the following two topics [1] the current situation and past trends in production, supply, demand and trade in energy in the eu, against the background of major changes in the last half decade and [2] threats to the security of the supply of oil and natural gas from import regions.Fossil fuel import dependence in the eu is expected to continue to increase in the coming two decades. As global trends show, and despite new fields in the Caspian region and the Eastern Mediterranean, conventional fossil oil and gas resources remain concentrated in fewer geopolitically unstable regions and countries (i.e. the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and the Caspian Region (cr) including Russia), while global demand for fossil energy is expected to substantially increase also within the energy rich Gulf countries. This combination directly impacts eu energy supply security. It should be noted that the trend towards higher levels of import dependence was not interrupted when the era of low energy prices, between 1980 and 2003, came to an end.Within the eu itself, domestic resistance to the development of unconventional resources is an obstacle to investment in unconventional sources in this part of the high-income world. This should therefore not put at risk investments in either renewables or alternative sources at home or conventional resources mainly in the Arab-Middle East.The situation is exacerbated by the spread of instability in the Arab-Middle Eastern countries. There are three domestic and geopolitical concerns to be taken into consideration:(1) In the Arab-Middle East, threats to eu energy supply security originate in the domestic regime of these countries. Almost all Arab resource-rich countries belong to a type ofpatrimonial, rentier-type of state-society relation. These regimes rely on rents from the exploitation of energy resources and the way in which rents are distributed.Regimes of this type are being challenged. Their economies show uneven economic development, centralized power structures, corruption and poverty at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The discrimination of females is a major obstacle to the development of the service sector. At present, even the monarchies fear the spread of violent conflict.Offshoots of these consequences have proven to cause civil unrest, exemplified by what optimists have called the ‘Arab Spring.’(2) The second concern is the domestic and global impact of Sovereign Wealth Funds (swfs) managed by Arab patrimonial rentier states. swfs have proven to be an asset in both developing and developed economies due to their ability to buffer the ‘Dutch Disease,’ and to encourage industrialization, economic diversification and eventually the development of civil society. In patrimonial states, however, swfs are affected by corruption and the diversion of funds away from long-term socioeconomic development to luxury consumption by political elites. In fact, Arab swfs underpin the persistence of the Arab patrimonial rentier state system.(3) Finally, the post-Cold War, me and cea geopolitical landscape is shifting. The emergence of China and other Asian economies has increased their presence in the Middle East due to a growing need for energy and the expansion of Asian markets. The recent discovery of energy resources in the us has led to speculation that there will be less us presence in the region. There would be a serious risk to eu energy security if emerging Asian economies were to increase their presence in the Middle East as us interests recede.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2017/1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Csaba Barnabás Horváth

This paper examines the question how the One Belt One Road initiativeimpacts the issue of energy security for China. The OBOR initiative coversvirtually all geographic areas where key energy supply routes of China arelocated, from sea lanes to existing and planned overland pipelines. Many ofthese regions are, however, scenes of great-power rivalry for geopoliticalinfluence between China and other great and middle powers. Among suchroutes we can mention overland pipelines carrying gas and oil from CentralAsia, as well as strategic sea lanes, such as the Straits of Malacca, wherevirtually all oil imported from the Middle East passes through. This paperendeavours to investigate how these rivalries impact the objectives of theOBOR initiative and the energy security of China, also making distinctionswhich supply routes China will likely be able to secure the most and whichthe least.


2019 ◽  
Vol 235 ◽  
pp. 332-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Negar Vakilifard ◽  
Parisa A. Bahri ◽  
Martin Anda ◽  
Goen Ho

Water ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 3269
Author(s):  
Mohammad Al-Saidi ◽  
Emma Lauren Roach ◽  
Bilal Ahmed Hassen Al-Saeedi

Political instability and conflicts are contemporary problems across the Middle East. They threaten not only basic security, but also infrastructure performance. Supply infrastructure, providing basic services such as water and electricity, has been subjected to damage, capacity deterioration, and the bankruptcy of public providers. Often, in conflict countries such as Yemen, the continuity of basic supply is only possible thanks to adaptation efforts on the community and household levels. This paper examines the conflict resilience of water and energy supply infrastructure in Yemen during the armed conflict 2015–today. It contributes to resilience studies by linking knowledge on state fragility and conflicts, humanitarian aid, and infrastructure resilience. The paper presents adaptation responses of communities and public entities in the water and energy sectors in Yemen and critically evaluates these responses from the perspective of conflict resilience of infrastructure. The gained insights reaffirm the notion about the remarkable adaptive capacities of communities during conflicts and the importance of incorporating community-level adaptation responses into larger efforts to enhance the conflict resilience of infrastructure systems.


Significance Transitions following a peace agreement are typically seen as major opportunities for democratisation and new constitution making, and sometimes for national dialogue, reconciliation, transitional justice and institutional reform. Outcomes, however, are often disappointing. Impacts The peace agreement and transition framework in South Sudan may face mounting setbacks, bringing its credibility into question. Civil society groups will struggle to get their views about transition heard. International and local peacebuilding NGOs may suffer more than other organisations from aid cuts. The Libya dialogue may aim for a limited outcome that prioritises a short transition to elections rather than a comprehensive transition. Calls may grow for a new approach to reach a political settlement in Yemen, given the meagre results of the existing UN mediation approach.


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