Government regulation of forestry practices on private forest land in the United States: An assessment of state government responsibilities and program performance

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 620-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul V. Ellefson ◽  
Michael A. Kilgore ◽  
James E. Granskog
1982 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas W. Birch ◽  
Douglas G. Lewis ◽  
H. Fred Kaiser

1991 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 174-175
Author(s):  
R. Marcus Price

ABSTRACTIn the United States, civil common carrier telecommunications are provided by private companies, not by any agency of the government. Regulation of these services and spectrum management oversight is provided by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), an agency of the government. Government telecommunications are operated by individual agencies, e.g. the Department of Defense, under the overall regulation of the Office of Spectrum Management of the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA), a government body separate from the FCC. In bands shared by the civil and government sectors, liaison and coordination is effected between the FCC and the NTIA.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie VanDusky-Allen ◽  
Stephen M. Utych

AbstractIn this paper, we analyze how variations in partisan representation across different levels of government influence Americans’ satisfaction with the democracy in the United States. We conduct two survey experiments and analyze data from the 2016 American National Election Study postelection survey. We find that Americans are the most satisfied with democracy when their most preferred party controls both the federal and their respective state governments. However, we also find that even if an individual’s least preferred party only controls one level of government, they are still more satisfied with democracy than if their most preferred party controls no levels of government. These findings suggest that competition in elections across both the national and state government, where winning and losing alternates between the two parties, may have positive outcomes for attitudes toward democracy.


2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne C. Moser

Many observers perceive the US as an obstructionist force in global efforts to address greenhouse gas emissions. Federal leadership—despite rhetoric—remains absent even as the scientific consensus about the urgency of climate change and public acceptance of the reality of the problem are growing. This situation has created fertile ground for bottom-up political mobilization and action to reduce emissions of heat-trapping greenhouse gases. Using an actor-centered model of social movement evolution, this paper surveys the signs in civic society, the private sector, and at local and state government levels for the emergence of a climate protection movement in the United States. Diverse initiatives are networked and expanding, thus creating pressure for more federal action. This paper paints a more optimistic and realistic picture of actual efforts in climate protection in the United States, the immensity of the challenges remaining notwithstanding.


Author(s):  
Erik Mathisen

When southern states seceded from the United States, a fiery argument held that white southerners’ love of their home state would translate without trouble into love for a new southern nation. As a consequence of a Confederate nation that grew in size and power to fight a modern war, however, a southern nation would in time swallow southern states whole. This chapter focuses on Mississippi, where Governor John Pettus imagined a state government that would maintain its sovereignty and the loyalty of the populace. As he would discover, however, a combination of Union incursions into the state and the development of the Confederate nation, would together sap Pettus’ government of its power.


Author(s):  
Jarod Roll

The metal miners of the Tri-State district (Kansas, Missouri, and Oklahoma) opposed social democratic unions and government regulation for nearly a century. Historians of organized labor in the United States have neglected workers like these, opting instead to focus on workers who joined unions. This introduction outlines how this study of the non-union and anti-union miners of the Tri-State district changes the field of labor history. The story of the Tri-State miners shows how some American workers rejected the protections of working-class solidarity because they inherited and embraced a faith in capitalism, white supremacy, and aggressive masculinity.


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