Haj Amin al-Husseini and the French Government: May 1945–May 1946

2022 ◽  
pp. 106-130
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer

In 1792, the French Revolution became a thing in itself, an uncontrollable force that might eventually spend itself but which no one could direct or guide. The governments set up in Paris in the following years all faced the problem of holding together against forces more revolutionary than themselves. This chapter distinguishes two such forces for analytical purposes. There was a popular upheaval, an upsurge from below, sans-culottisme, which occurred only in France. Second, there was the “international” revolutionary agitation, which was not international in any strict sense, but only concurrent within the boundaries of various states as then organized. From the French point of view these were the “foreign” revolutionaries or sympathizers. The most radical of the “foreign” revolutionaries were seldom more than advanced political democrats. Repeatedly, however, from 1792 to 1799, these two forces tended to converge into one force in opposition to the French government of the moment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Lethbridge

Taking the majority of its examples from the Salon of 1872, this article explores the extent to which official intervention was effective in eliminating from the exhibition potentially inopportune representations of the Franco-Prussian War. The withdrawal of a certain number of works deemed to risk offending the Prussians coincided with the very moment the French government was trying to negotiate the departure of occupying enemy troops under the terms of the May 1871 Treaty of Frankfurt. It initiated, or reignited, a debate about censorship during the course of which art criticism was itself politicized. Drawing on information in the Salon catalogue and analysing the reviews of the exhibition which appeared in the Parisian press, the article takes issue with much scholarship to date. In particular, it demonstrates how the interpretation of artistic works on display is inflected by polemical and ideological determinants. What emerges from this is precisely the incipient revanchard discourse which the government had hoped to suppress.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 515-548 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Heuer

In the early nineteenth century, an obscure rural policeman petitioned the French government with an unusual story. Charles Fanaye had served with Napoleon's armies in Egypt. Chased by Mameluks, he was rescued in the nick of time by a black Ethiopian woman and hidden in her home. Threatened in turn by the Mameluks, Marie-Hélène (as the woman came to be called) threw in her lot with the French army and followed Fanaye to France. The couple then sought to wed. They easily overcame religious barriers when Marie-Héléne was baptized in the Cathedral of Avignon. But another obstacle was harder to overcome: an 1803 ministerial decree banned marriage between blacks and whites. Though Fanaye and Marie-Héléne begged for an exception, the decree would plague them for the next sixteen years of their romance.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 382-383

The sixth special session of the Trusteeship Council was held at Headquarters from December 10, 1956, through January 31 1957.The future of the trust territory of Togoland under French administration: The sixth special session of the Council had been convened at the request of the French government to consider the results of the referendum which had been held in Togoland under French administration on October 28, 1956.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 6-14
Author(s):  
Valentīns Buls ◽  
Oļegs Ignatjevs

In the view of modern tendencies, the cooperation between state armed institutions is extremely crucial. As an example could be mentioned the reaction of French government on the terrorist attack in Paris in the year 2015 – both, army and police, in close cooperation made a contribution solving this challenge. In the scale of Latvia the cooperation between National Armed Forces and State Border Guard could solve such problems like lack of personnel and equipment in State Border Guard. The aim of the current paper is to give insight in such themes as legal basis of the mentioned cooperation, the possibilities of involving National Armed Forces personnel in border surveillance, the possibilities of National Armed Forces personnel’s training in the field of border surveillance and possibilities for development of such training and make short summary in these topics. This was done by methods of analysis, open source research and comparative analysis. Among other conclusions, authors of the current paper draw a conclusion that cooperation between National Armed Forces and State Border Guard is effective but the possibilities of National Armed Forces personnel’s training should be improved in the way mentioned in the paper.


Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 171-193
Author(s):  
Vojislav Pavlovic

The French government and statesmen had never considered the creation of a unified South-Slav state as an objective of the Great War. Officially acquainted with the project through the Nis Declaration in December 1914 they remained silent on the issue, as it involved both the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy and, following the Treaty of London in May 1915, an open conflict with Italy. In neither case, then, did French diplomacy deem it useful to trigger such a shift in the balance of power in Europe just to grant the wishes of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Naturally, in the spring of 1918 the dismantlement of Austria-Hungary was envisaged, but with the view to weakening the adversary camp, while the destiny of the Yugoslav provinces remained undecided. Moreover, war imperatives required extreme caution in relation to Italian intransigency. The Italian veto weighed heavily on French politics, to the extent that even the actual realization of the Yugoslav project, proclamation of a unified state on 1 December 1918 in Belgrade, took place without a consent or implicit support on the part of the French government.


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