scholarly journals The Future of American Archaeology

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry H. Klein ◽  
Lynne Goldstein ◽  
Deborah Gangloff ◽  
William B. Lees ◽  
Krysta Ryzewski ◽  
...  

ABSTRACTOver the past several years, we have seen many attacks on publicly funded and mandated archaeology in the United States. These attacks occur at the state level, where governors and state legislatures try to defund or outright eliminate state archaeological programs and institutions. We have also seen several attacks at the federal level. Some members of Congress showcase archaeology as a waste of public tax dollars, and others propose legislation to move federally funded or permitted projects forward without consideration of impacts on archaeological resources. These attacks continue to occur, and we expect them to increase in the future. In the past, a vigilant network of historic preservation and archaeological organizations was able to thwart such attacks. The public, however, largely remains an untapped ally. As a discipline, we have not built a strong public support network. We have not demonstrated the value of archaeology to the public, beyond a scattering of educational and informational programs. In this article, we—a group of archaeologists whose work has focused on public engagement—provide a number of specific recommendations on how to build a strong public constituency for the preservation of our nation's archaeological heritage.

Author(s):  
William M. Lewis

A societal conflict as prolonged and complex as the reversal of national policy on wetlands in the United States must contain some lessons for the future. Perhaps we are still too close to the issues to have everything in perspective historically, but two lessons seem obvious. One of these has to do with the channelizing effect of change in public attitudes toward wetlands and the other with the stabilizing effect of science on regulations and policies intended for the protection of wetlands. A look back at the previous chapters suggests that the history of wetland policy in the United States can be divided into three eras: a classical era during which removal was the policy; a modern era during which protection was the policy; and a new era, which appears to be postmodern in the sense that we adjust protection qualitatively in an attempt to make our coexistence with wetlands more comfortable. Politics of the removal era appear to have been relatively tranquil, as congressional action surrounding wetlands developed almost entirely through consultation with a single interest group (i.e., those who saw some economically beneficial potential in federal progams subsidizing or encouraging the removal of wetlands; Tzoumis 1998). The desire for protection, although present in some circles much earlier, became politically potent in parallel with the growth of general public support for environmental legislation. From that time forward, legislation and national policy have consistently been formed in an atmosphere of strongly opposing viewpoints, but the protectionist impulse has prevailed. It seems doubtful now that an open legislative assault on wetland protection would be successful, simply because the public has fully absorbed the idea of protection for about a generation. The fundamental intent of protectionism, however, still could be subverted judicially or administratively; this is the main issue for the future. From 1970 to the present, the politics of wetlands has seemed unstable and even chaotic. Participants in the contest over wetlands typically have viewed the future with a high degree of pessimism. This is especially true for the defenders of wetlands, who fear, and in some cases almost anticipate, reactionary backsliding.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Mathew Alexander ◽  
Lynn Unruh ◽  
Andriy Koval ◽  
William Belanger

Abstract As of November 2020, the United States leads the world in confirmed coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) cases and deaths. Over the past 10 months, the United States has experienced three peaks in new cases, with the most recent spike in November setting new records. Inaction and the lack of a scientifically informed, unified response have contributed to the sustained spread of COVID-19 in the United States. This paper describes major events and findings from the domestic response to COVID-19 from January to November 2020, including on preventing transmission, COVID-19 testing and contact tracing, ensuring sufficient physical infrastructure and healthcare workforce, paying for services, and governance. We further reflect on the public health response to-date and analyse the link between key policy decisions (e.g. closing, reopening) and COVID-19 cases in three states that are representative of the broader regions that have experienced spikes in cases. Finally, as we approach the winter months and undergo a change in national leadership, we highlight some considerations for the ongoing COVID-19 response and the broader United States healthcare system. These findings describe why the United States has failed to contain COVID-19 effectively to-date and can serve as a reference in the continued response to COVID-19 and future pandemics.


1991 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 145-180
Author(s):  
Evan Ackiron

Patents and other statutory types of market protections are used in the United States to promote scientific research and innovation. This incentive is especially important in research intensive fields such as the pharmaceutical industry. Unfortunately, these same protections often result in higher monopoly pricing once a successful product is brought to market. Usually this consequence is viewed as the necessary evil of an incentive system that encourages costly research and development by promising large rewards to the successful inventor. However, in the case of the AIDS drug Zidovudine (AZT), the high prices charged by the pharmaceutical company owning the drug have led to public outcry and a re-examination of government incentive systems.This Note traces the evolution of these incentive programs — the patent system, and, to a lesser extent, the orphan drug program — and details the conflicting interests involved in their development. It then demonstrates how the AZT problem brings the interest of providing inventors with incentives for risky innovative efforts into a sharp collision with the ultimate goal of such systems: ensuring that the public has access to the resulting products at a reasonable price. Finally, the Note describes how Congress and the courts have attempted to resolve these problems in the past, and how they might best try to solve the AZT problem in the near future.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 671-685 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Drayton

The contemporary historian, as she or he speaks to the public about the origins and meanings of the present, has important ethical responsibilities. ‘Imperial’ historians, in particular, shape how politicians and the public imagine the future of the world. This article examines how British imperial history, as it emerged as an academic subject since about 1900, often lent ideological support to imperialism, while more generally it suppressed or avoided the role of violence and terror in the making and keeping of the Empire. It suggests that after 2001, and during the Iraq War, in particular, a new Whig historiography sought to retail a flattering narrative of the British Empire’s past, and concludes with a call for a post-patriotic imperial history which is sceptical of power and speaks for those on the underside of global processes.


Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Chacón

In the fifteen years since the enactment of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act—the U.S. legislation implementing the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children—every state in the United States has enacted its own, state-level antitrafficking law. This paper presents a multistate survey of state-level antitrafficking laws and the criminal prosecutions that have been conducted pursuant to those over the past decade. The comparative treatment of noncitizens and citizens in antitrafficking prosecutions is of particular concern. This research reveals that while subfederal implementation of antitrafficking laws has the potential to complement stated federal and international antitrafficking objectives, it also has the power to subvert and undermine those goals. State-level enforcement both mirrors and amplifies some of the systemic problems that arise when the criminal law is used as a tool to combat trafficking, including the manipulation of antitrafficking tools and rhetoric to perpetuate racial subordination and migrant criminalization. Ultimately, this research offers broader theoretical insights into the promises and pitfalls of overlapping criminal jurisdiction both within federalist systems and within frameworks of international regulation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Grzegorz W. Kolodko ◽  

The huge leap made by the Chinese economy over the past four decades as a result of market reforms and openness to the world is causing fear in some and anxiety in others. Questions arise as to whether China’s economic success is solid and whether economic growth will be followed by political expansion. China makes extensive use of globalization and is therefore interested in continuing it. At the same time, China wants to give it new features and specific Chinese characteristics. This is met with reluctance by the current global hegemon, the United States, all the more so as there are fears that China may promote its original political and economic system, "cynicism", abroad. However, the world is still big enough to accommodate us all. Potentially, not necessarily. For this to happen, we need the right policies, which in the future must also include better coordination at the supranational level.


2013 ◽  
pp. 127-140
Author(s):  
Mario Aldo Toscano

Starting from one of Franco Ferrarotti's latest publications Atman. Il respiro del bosco (Ed. Empiria, Rome, 2012), this essay develops on the basis of the considerations in the last sections of the text, to which we refer. The interpretation key to this note, purposefully hermeneutic though unveiled in its conclusions, relates to the return to nature. The transition from culture to nature and to the nature of the trees is not seen, in the long trajectory described by Franco Ferrarotti, as a «regression», but rather as the achievement of a wisdom able to contemplate sine ira ac studio (without anger or concern) the enormous shortfallings and decline of the public and private life in our country. The solitude of the «naturalized» thought brings a glimpse of hope, in that memory resumes its course no more towards the past but towards the future. Ferrarotti's "lessons» interpret the dramatic sequences of our history, remain in the atmospheres of thought, and are «received» as such, fertile sources of underground action.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (27) ◽  
Author(s):  
César García

This article explores the management of relationships by King Juan Carlos I of Spain to legitimate the monarchy as an institution and build a new democracy after Franco’s death in 1975. The high level of public support during most of his reign shows there is a correlation between good relationship management and the loyalty of the subjects. Only when some basic relationship management principles of mutual benefit, such as trust and openness with his subjects, were violated the level of support of Juan Carlos I, and the monarchy as an institution started to decline. Nonetheless, the value of relationship management has proved durable since the new monarch, Felipe VI, was able to recover in a relatively short period of time the public support that Juan Carlos I enjoyed in the past. This fact indicates that even in the case of disruptive monarchies, such as Spain, the power of relationship management has shown effectiveness to legitimate the institution. However, at the same time it also points out that in a public opinion regime monarchies have to show exemplarity and that involves not only to create mutual benefit for the citizenship through good deeds, since Juan Carlos I always behaved professionally as a business and diplomatic representative, but that there is feeling of trust between the monarch and the subjects.


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