Ngā Waihotanga Iho: Self-determination through Indigenous environmental education in New Zealand

Author(s):  
Giles Dodson ◽  
Mikaera Miru

Abstract This paper discusses the use of an estuary monitoring toolkit Ngā Waihotanga Iho as a central part of a Māori-centred education project undertaken by Kaipara hapū (sub-tribe), Te Uri O Hau, in Northland, New Zealand. The toolkit was designed by New Zealand’s National Institute for Water and Atmospheric Research (NIWA). In this project, Te Uri O Hau collaborated with NIWA and regional high schools in order to use this toolkit as a mechanism for kaitikaitanga (environmental guardianship) and Indigenous-led environmental education. This paper demonstrates that approaches such as this can be powerful vehicles for Indigenous self-determination as Māori actively undertake tribal development and environmental guardianship, and strengthen the place of Indigenous knowledge, priorities and approaches within an evolving ‘post-colonial’ education system.

Author(s):  
Darwin Horning ◽  
Beth Baumbrough

Abstract This paper considers two different Indigenous-led initiatives, the Neeginan initiative (Winnipeg, Canada) and the Kaupapa Māori movement (New Zealand), within the context of urban Indigenous self-determination, examining the role, or contributions of, each towards the realisation of Indigenous self-determination. Neeginan originates from, and focuses on, building a sense of community, through education programs, social assistance and affordable housing, with local Indigenous knowledge providing the foundational guiding principles. This is compared to the Kaupapa Māori movement's role in the revival of traditional cultural and language practices in education, which has resulted in the development of an overwhelmingly successful parallel non-government school system based on Māori culture, language and philosophy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-98
Author(s):  
Mere Skerrett

This article challenges the global coloniality of the doctrine of domination that re-presents itself in Aotearoa/New Zealand as an uneven ‘partnership’ between Māori (the Indigenes) and the colonizer (the British). That domination is maintained through the western positivistic one-size-fits-all ‘global north’ policies and practices in a colonial education system which is hegemonic and racist. The work of Kōhanga Reo (Indigenous language nests) in the early year’s education stream means a continuous flow of productive unsettlement, in order to survive, in order to dismantle the hegemonic structures and in order to transform Indigenous children’s lives. Through the southern lens of a ‘counter-global coloniality’, some of the historical antecedents of the doctrine of ‘civilization’ and philosophical underpinnings of Kōhanga Reo are sketched in terms of their ability to transform pedagogies of oppression and neoliberal futures. It is argued that Indigenous knowledge and languages can mediate the power relations of colonial dominance and Indigenous subordination, because they provide the keys to unlock and liberate the spaces, places and minds of coloniality.


Author(s):  
Dominic O'Sullivan

Indigeneity is a theory of justice and political strategy that indigenous peoples use to develop their own terms of belonging to the nation-state. In particular it is distinct from theories of minority rights because its claims are grounded in extant rights of prior occupancy. Indigeneity’s overarching claim is to create political space for substantive and sustainable reconciliation through self-determination and through particular indigenous shares in the sovereign authority of the state itself. Australia, Fiji and New Zealand are compared to show indigeneity’s limits as well is its possibilities, whether the post-colonial context is one of significant vulnerability or one where a coherent and considered account of political power is required for the translation of political advantage into meaningful self-determination


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402199717
Author(s):  
Joan Ricart-Huguet

Political elites tend to favor their home region when distributing resources. But what explains how political power is distributed across a country’s regions to begin with? Explanations of cabinet formation focus on short-term strategic bargaining and some emphasize that ministries are allocated equitably to minimize conflict. Using new data on the cabinet members (1960–2010) of 16 former British and French African colonies, I find that some regions have been systematically much more represented than others. Combining novel historical and geospatial records, I show that this regional political inequality derives not from colonial-era development in general but from colonial-era education in particular. I argue that post-colonial ministers are partly a byproduct of civil service recruitment practices among European administrators that focused on levels of literacy. Regional political inequality is an understudied pathway through which colonial legacies impact distributive politics and unequal development in Africa today. JEL: F54, I26, N37, N47


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
E Rawson

Abstract St John has been providing service in New Zealand for nearly 140 years since its arrival. It has now close to 4000 staff and nearly 20000 Members and over 8500 volunteers. In New Zealand the major work of St John is its Ambulance service providing front line first responders to crash, medical emergency and other life-threatening situations. St John New Zealand also provides a number of 'Community Health' initiatives focused on strengthening communities and prevention. In recent years St John has recognised that they have not engaged well with Indigenous communities and that their organisation in New Zealand must become skilled and relevant in addressing the needs of the Indigenous people of New Zealand, as they suffer the greater burden of disease and illness than any other population in the country. St John NZ Community and Health Services are embarking on a process of transformation through re-orienting its culture and practice by adopting Public Health approaches and an equity lens over all its programmes. They also have committed to understanding and using Indigenous knowledge to support this re-orientation to most effectively engage and implement programmes that will reduce Indigenous health inequities. This presentation will describe the process by which they will be implementing their strategy for change and highlight best practice for working with Indigenous communities. Key messages Indigenous Knowledge is key to addressing Indigenous Health inequities. Mainstream Public Health can learn from Indigenous Public Health approaches.


Author(s):  
Myra J. Tait ◽  
Kiera L. Ladner

AbstractIn Canada, Treaty 1 First Nations brought a claim against the Crown for land debt owed to them since 1871. In 2004, Crown land in Winnipeg became available that, according to the terms of the settlement, should have been offered for purchase to Treaty 1 Nations. Similarly, in New Zealand, the Waikato-Tainui claim arose from historical Crown breaches of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. In 1995, a settlement was reached to address the unjust Crown confiscation of Tainui lands. Despite being intended to facilitate the return of traditional territory, compensate for Crown breaches of historic treaties, and indirectly provide opportunity for economic development, in both cases, settlement was met with legal and political challenges. Using a comparative legal analysis, this paper examines how the state continues to use its law-making power to undermine socio-economic development of Indigenous communities in Canada and New Zealand, thereby thwarting opportunity for Indigenous self-determination.


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