Perceptions of Chinese in Southern Africa: Constructions of the “Other” and the Role of Memory

2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoon Jung Park

Abstract:Increasing numbers of Chinese migrants have arrived in southern Africa over the past two decades. Perceptions of and reactions to the Chinese, however, vary from country to country and within countries. This article, based on several years of field and survey research, examines perceptions of Chinese in South Africa and Lesotho. The author argues that in addition to the global context, national political and economic realities, history, and memory shape local perceptions of China and the Chinese people who now reside in these spaces. States and other political actors play a key role in constructions of foreigners. Competition, whether real or perceived, is also important in shaping negative attitudes toward migrants. However, personal interactions and memories can serve as mitigating factors, even in the face of negative news of China or Chinese activities.

Heritage ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1274-1285
Author(s):  
Kalliopi Fouseki ◽  
Georgios Alexopoulos

This article explores local perceptions towards an archaeological site on the Greek island of Antikythera, known as ‘Castle’, within the context of recent calls for the development of the island through heritage tourism. As the identification of such perceptions is a fundamental step in tourism planning we will reflect on data gathered during an ethnographic study funded by the post-doctoral scheme of the Greek State Scholarship Foundation. Our purpose was to examine how local perceptions of the island and its landscape, as a whole, define the ways in which the archaeological ‘Castle’ of Antikythera is perceived. We observed that positive or negative attitudes towards the archaeology of the island are strongly interlinked with positive or negative feelings for the island in general. Since most studies focus on the role of heritage in shaping a sense of place, we hope that this article will offer a new insight into the role of place in shaping heritage perceptions. We also hope that the findings of the research will inform future decisions on tourism development and its impact (potential risks or opportunities) on the sense of place.


2018 ◽  
pp. 364-383
Author(s):  
Francesco Cavatorta

This chapter examines why democratic openings failed to consolidate in the Middle East and North Africa despite the profound influence of the global wave of democratization on both regions. Authoritarianism persists in the region comprising the Middle East and North Africa. Nevertheless, countries in the region experienced changes since the consolidation of authoritarian rule soon after decolonization. The chapter considers a number of explanations for the durability of authoritarian rule in the Middle East and North Africa in the face of both domestic and international pressures for democratic governance. In particular, it discusses the role of Islamist political actors and Israel. It also looks at the region’s political culture and society, business and economy, and agents of democratization and democratic failure. Finally, it describes institutional challenges for the region’s chances to become more democratic.


1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ørnulf Gulbrandsen

In the face of the dominating tradition of British structural functionalism, anthropological studies of political leadership represented an important move towards accounting for the dynamics of centralized, as well as acephalous, polities (for example, Barth 1959 and Baily 1970; cf. Schapera 1956). Moreover, in focusing upon political actors and, by extension, political relations, these studies necessarily took account of the role of the subjects. Yet, despite Gluckman's innovative notion of “rituals of rebellion” (1954; cf. Beidelman 1966), the issue of political leadership has rarely focused upon the political dynamics of the ruler-subject relationship, examining the concerns and responses of those who more or less voluntarily subject themselves to an authority figure. Even such an important contribution as Succession to High Office (Goody 1966) completely ignores this issue.


Author(s):  
Francesco Cavatorta

This chapter examines why democratic openings failed to consolidate in the Middle East and North Africa despite the profound influence of the global wave of democratization on both regions. Authoritarianism persists in the region comprising the Middle East and North Africa. Nevertheless, countries in the region experienced changes since the consolidation of authoritarian rule soon after decolonization. The chapter considers a number of explanations for the durability of authoritarian rule in the Middle East and North Africa in the face of both domestic and international pressures for democratic governance. In particular, it discusses the role of Islamist political actors and Israel. It also looks at the region’s political culture and society, business and economy, and agents of democratization and democratic failure. Finally, it describes institutional challenges for the region’s chances to become more democratic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-22
Author(s):  
Anca Baicoianu

Abstract This article tackles the experience of exile as described in Norman Manea’s fictional and non-fictional works. My analysis will focus on the relations between language and belonging, as well as on the role of history and memory in the process of identity reconfiguration. The main assumption of this essay is that the shift between reterritorialization and deterritorialization as conditions inflecting the writer’s sense of identity and belonging could provide useful suggestions for a broader investigation concerning the transformations having affected Romanian culture after 1989, while at the same time orienting the discussion towards similar current investigations in a global context.


Author(s):  
M. Imam Zamroni

The objective of this article is to describe the role of Islam education in global context, especially to solve several problems in Indonesia, for example, poverty, unemployment, natural disaster, social disorder, and other serious problems. Obviously, although they bring about some positive effects for development of this country, these problems are also effects of globalkation. We are often trapped in economic discourse when discuss it and overruling other aspects such as ideological, cultural, and social; whereas, they are as important as economic discourse. In other words, globalir<ation covers multi-aspects in our life, so that some of new obligations of Islam education are to answer various problems of Moslem life.One of the contradictive issues is that globalkation becomes a part of our life because we are a part of globalkation. Therefore, we have to eliminate science dichotomy between religion and science. Escaping from the pro and the contra Islam education claimed take able to answer the new problematic of Moslem life. The Moslem must be supported by life skills in order to survive in the face of the globalization. Summarily, we have to exchange classic paradigm with the modern one that is responsive to social problems, especially related to the religion.


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siavash Alimadadi ◽  
Cecilia Pahlberg

Emerging markets are rapidly gaining importance in the world economy and many multinational corporations (MNCs) are taking advantage of this economic development by expanding their activities there. Due to the high level of perceived uncertainty and lack of formal institutions in these markets, firms cope by relying on network relationships with other organizational actors – including societal and political actors – in their environment. In these uncertain environments, where political and economic change is frequent, firms may have to negotiate their relationships frequently – building new ties and severing old ones. In this paper, findings from a case study of Turkey reveal that while the role of political actors in emerging markets should not be neglected, the value of political ties are contingent on the market environment and can change in the face of state policy change. Hence, MNCs tend to buffer the political hazards through their connections to the business and civil society organizations. Consequently, we suggest that researchers in this field might improve the explanatory power of their models by including consideration of the context that firms are embedded in. Then the focus needs to be shifted towards the interplay between different actors and the indirect impact of network ties along with the direct effects.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 804-824 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradley R. Staats ◽  
Diwas S. KC ◽  
Francesca Gino

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Fuochi ◽  
Alberto Voci ◽  
Chiara A. Veneziani ◽  
Jessica Boin ◽  
Benjamin Fell ◽  
...  

We examined the association of the combination of direct intergroup contact and mass media news with attitudes toward immigrants and gay people in Italy, hypothesizing that direct intergroup contact would buffer the negative association between media news and attitudes, but only when contact was intimate or positive. Measuring contact variables and attitudes toward immigrants (Study 1, N = 428; Study 2, N = 426) and gay men and women (Study 3, N = 220), we found that intimate and positive direct intergroup contact was associated with more positive attitudes toward outgroup members, whereas exposure to negative news was related to more negative attitudes. Moreover, our results supported the buffering hypothesis, as the negative association between negative news and intergroup attitudes was significantly weaker amongst respondents with higher levels of intimate and positive intergroup contact.


Adeptus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mateusz Pękala

Issues of Social Conflicts in Inauguration Speeches of Polish Prime Ministers in 2007–2017The article presents the assumptions and results of an analysis of the content of inauguration speeches of Polish Prime Ministers in 2007–2017: Donald Tusk (2007 and 2011), Ewa Kopacz (2014), Beata Szydło (2015) and Mateusz Morawiecki (2017). The aim of the study has been to answer the question whether and to what extent the issues of social conflicts were present in the speeches and what dispute resolution strategies were announced by the government. Social tensions were one of the leitmotifs of each of those speeches, mainly in the context of their negative impact on the effectiveness of public policy. The speeches often called for a reduction in rivalry both between political actors and between social groups. The need to overcome the crisis of citizens’ trust in state institutions was also ascribed great importance. In the face of social conflicts, the prime ministers announced that they would play the role of an “arbiter”, who would decide how particular resources would be distributed (more often), or a “negotiator”, who would conduct a partner dialogue with other social actors in order to reach a common agreement (less often). Problematyka konfliktów społecznych w exposés polskich premierów z lat 2007–2017Artykuł przedstawia założenia oraz wyniki analizy treści exposés polskich Prezesów Rady Ministrów z lat 2007–2017: Donalda Tuska (2007 i 2011), Ewy Kopacz (2014), Beaty Szydło (2015) i Mateusza Morawieckiego (2017), która służyła odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy i w jakim zakresie w wystąpieniach obecna była problematyka konfliktów społecznych oraz jakie strategie rozwiązywania sporów przez rząd były zapowiadane. Napięcia społeczne były jednym z motywów przewodnich każdego exposé, głównie w kontekście ich negatywnych skutków dla skuteczności polityki publicznej. W przemówieniach często pojawiały się apele o ograniczenie rywalizacji zarówno pomiędzy siłami politycznymi, jak i pomiędzy grupami społecznymi. Duże znaczenie przypisywano także konieczności przełamania kryzysu zaufania obywateli od instytucji państwowych. Wobec konfliktów społecznych premierzy zapowiadali pełnienie roli „arbitra” władczo rozstrzygającego, w jaki sposób przeprowadzona zostanie dystrybucja określonych zasobów (częściej), lub „negocjatora” prowadzącego partnerski dialog z innymi podmiotami społecznymi w celu wypracowania wspólnego porozumienia (rzadziej).


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