Social Difference and Constitutionalism in Pan-Asia

Keyword(s):  
2011 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brodwyn Fischer

There are numerous historical critiques of elitist educational policies in Brazil, as well as studies of the racial and gender dynamics of education, and scholars have routinely lamented the historical lack of access to schooling among the Brazilian poor. But surprisingly few historians have taken on language and education as durable categories of inequality—created, recognized, legitimized, and acted upon over many generations, constitutive elements in Brazil’s constellation of social difference. This is especially remarkable given the rich and repeated emphasis on language, literacy, and education that characterized debates about Brazilian inequality in the century after independence.


Author(s):  
Thomas K. Ogorzalek

Recent electoral cycles have drawn attention to an urban–rural divide at the heart of American politics. This book traces the origins of red and blue America. The urbanicity divide began with the creation of an urban political order that united leaders from major cities and changed the Democratic Party during the New Deal era. These cities, despite being the site of serious, complex conflicts at home, are remarkably cohesive in national politics because members of city delegations represent their city as well as their district. Even though their constituents often don’t see eye-to-eye on important issues, members of these city delegations represent a united city position known as progressive liberalism. Using a wide range of congressional evidence and a unique dataset measuring the urbanicity of U.S. House districts over time, this book argues that city cohesion, an invaluable tool used by cities to address their urgent governance needs through higher levels of government, is fostered by local institutions developed to provide local political order. Crucially, these integrative institutions also helped foster the development of civil rights liberalism by linking constituencies that were not natural allies in support of group pluralism and racial equality. This in turn led to the departure from the coalition of the Southern Democrats, and to our contemporary political environment. The urban combination of diversity and liberalism—supported by institutions that make allies out of rivals—teaches us lessons for governing in a world increasingly characterized by deep social difference and political fragmentation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Roxana Akbari ◽  
Stefan Vogler

Advocates have long observed that sexual minority women are treated less favorably than sexual minority men under US asylum law. However, there has been little empirical examination of these claims in a US context. We offer the first systematic comparative empirical analysis of 199 asylum decisions for cisgender sexual minorities. Using quantitative metrics to contextualize in-depth qualitative analysis, we show that even when cisgender sexual minority men and women face very similar types of violence, women’s claims are adjudicated differently. This is particularly stark in courts’ treatment of sexual violence but is also evident in determinations of generalized persecution and individuals’ sexualities. When women attempt to use laws that are structured around straight, white, Western male perspectives and experiences, their pathways are limited and sometimes nonexistent. Although the flexibility in this area of asylum law has allowed many types of new claims, these changes have mostly benefited those assigned male at birth, and this surface malleability has ultimately worked to maintain law as a regulatory structure. Even with seemingly progressive changes in asylum law, the law itself continues to uphold race, gender, and sexuality as durable social structures and does little to ameliorate inequalities along these axes of social difference.


Comunicar ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (34) ◽  
pp. 25-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antoine Hennion

This contribution provides an account of musical taste as a meaningful accomplishment and a situated activity, with its tricks and bricolages, instead of reducing it to a game of social difference and identity. Taste is a problematic modality of attachment to the world. In such a pragmatist conception it is analyzed as a reflexive activity, corporeal, framed, collective, equipped, depending on places, moments and devices, which simultaneously produces the competencies of a music lover and a repertoire of objects. To be explained, it needs the sociologist to concentrate on gestures, objects, bodies, media, devices and relations engaged. Taste is a performance. Playing, listening, recording, making others listen…, all those activities amount to more than the actualization of a taste «already there». They are redefined during the action, with a result that is partly uncertain. Thus amateurs’ attachments and ways of doing things both engage and form subjectivities, and have a history, irreducible to that of the works. Understood in this way, as reflexive work performed on one’s own attachments, the amateur’s taste is no longer considered an arbitrary election to be explained by hidden social causes. Rather, it is a collective technique, whose analysis helps to understand the way we make ourselves sensitized, to things, to ourselves, to situations and to moments, while simultaneously reflexively controlling how those feelings might be shared and discussed with others. Esta contribución ilustra el gusto musical como un logro significativo y una actividad situada, con sus trucos y artimañas, en lugar de reducirla a un juego de identidad y diferenciación social. El gusto es una modalidad problemática de vinculación al mundo. En esta concepción pragmática, se analiza como una actividad reflexiva, corpórea, estructurada, colectiva, equipada, dependiente de los sitios, los momentos y los dispositivos; lo que simultáneamente produce las competencias de un amante de la música y un repertorio de objetos. Explicar el gusto exige que el sociólogo se concentre en los gestos, los objetos, los cuerpos, los medios, los dispositivos y las relaciones involucradas. El gusto es un comportamiento. Reproducir, escuchar, grabar, hacer que otros escuchen música… todas esas actividades vienen a ser algo más que la realización de un gusto que «ya existía». Todo ello se redefine durante la acción y el resultado es, en parte, incierto. Así, la vinculación de los aficionados y la forma de hacer las cosas se combinan, forman subjetividades y tienen una historia que no se puede reducir a la de las obras. Entendido de esta manera, como trabajo reflexivo conducido sobre la base de las vinculaciones propias, el gusto del aficionado ya no se considera una elección arbitraria que es explicada por razones sociales ocultas. Más bien, es una técnica colectiva, cuyo análisis ayuda a entender la manera en la que nos hacemos sensibles a las cosas, a nosotros mismos, a las situaciones y los momentos, mientras en paralelo controla reflexivamente la forma en que esos sentimientos pueden ser compartidos y discutidos con los demás.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107808742110578
Author(s):  
Caleb Althorpe ◽  
Martin Horak

Is the Right to the City (RTTC) still a useful framework for a transformative urban politics? Given recent scholarly criticism of its real-world applications and appropriations, in this paper, we argue that the transformative promise in the RTTC lies beyond its role as a framework for oppositional struggle, and in its normative ends. Building upon Henri Lefebvre's original writing on the subject, we develop a “radical-cooperative” conception of the RTTC. Such a view, which is grounded in the lived experiences of the current city, envisions an urban society in which inhabitants can pursue their material and social needs through self-governed cooperation across social difference. Growing and diversifying spaces and sectors of urban life that are decoupled from global capitalism are, we argue, necessary to create space for this inclusionary politics. While grassroots action is essential to this process, so is multi-scalar support from the state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 296-325
Author(s):  
Thomas Blom Hansen

This article explores how, and why, the capacity for civic responsibility and civility of conduct became a central discursive and practical battleground in the colonial world. Nowhere was this more pronounced than in colonial and apartheid South Africa, where the putative benefits of self-government along separate racial lines became a crucial component of apartheid. Starting from a brief conceptual history of civility and colonialism, I argue that the principle of self-government was a central pivot of apartheid. I explore how the celebrated Civics movement that eventually brought apartheid down fostered civic ties and “ethno-civility” in a formerly Indian township in Durban from the 1970s to the 1990s. This legacy of ethno-civility has, however, turned out to be a major obstacle to the forging of relationships across racial boundaries in post-apartheid society. Deploying two ethnographic vignettes from this township, I argue that the ideals of global religious community today have taken the place as a promise of universality of mediation between groups and racial communities that the Civics movement used to occupy during the apartheid era. Yet, religious identities are unable to overcome deeper formations of racial and social difference.


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