scholarly journals A Simple Solution to Policing Problems: Women!

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 590-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mindy E. Bergman ◽  
Jessica M. Walker ◽  
Vanessa A. Jean
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Police Officer ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Police Departments ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Police Organizations ◽  
Female Officers ◽  
Organizational Climates

Ruggs et al. (2016) describe paths through which industrial–organizational (I-O) psychology can make a dent in the ongoing policing problems in the United States. These paths include traditional I-O areas such as improved selection models, increased training, and changed organizational climates. However, there might be one fairly straightforward way in which police organizations can quickly reduce use-of-force problems: women. Because Title VII of the Civil Rights Act prevents selection based on sex, police departments obviously cannot hire women just because they are women. But police departments can and, we argue, should recruit more women to apply for police officer positions, create work practices and experiences that are attractive to and supportive of women (Hassell & Brandl, 2009), and make efforts to retain female officers because of the evidence that female officers use less force when policing (Bolger, 2015). Additionally, police organizations and I-O psychologists should also work together to discover why women are less likely to use force and, subsequently, determine whether these characteristics can be selected or trained for in either sex.

Our Spirit Is Not Narrow Bigotry

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-126
Author(s):  
Linda C. McClain
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
The United States ◽  
Court Cases ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
The Law ◽  
Natural Difference

This chapter studies how arguments about bigotry, conscience, and legislating morality featured in legislative debate over the Civil Rights Act of 1964, particularly the public accommodations provision (Title II). President Lyndon B. Johnson urged clergy to support the act and help the United States overcome bigotry. Religious leaders testified for and against the law. Lawmakers and witnesses supporting the law insisted that the nation’s conscience demanded that Congress pass a law to end bigotry and racial discrimination. Opponents referred to bigotry in multiple ways: they argued that segregation reflected natural difference and God’s plan, not bigotry; that people had a right to be bigoted; and that the act’s supporters were the real bigots. The chapter concludes with two Supreme Court cases upholding Title II relevant to later constitutional challenges to civil rights laws protecting LGBTQ persons: Heart of Atlanta v. United States and Newman v. Piggie Park Enterprises.

The Armenian Genocide, AKA the Elephant in the Room

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 783-790 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayda Erbal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Business ◽  
Market Regulation ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Southern States

The summer of 2015 will perhaps be remembered as a watershed moment in the annals of racism in the United States. What had been normalized for decades by the southern states and giant retailers in “postracist” America was institutionally delegitimized almost overnight. Upping the ante, the department store giant Macy's announced it will discontinue Donald Trump merchandise because of Trump's racist remarks. A mere half century after the 1964 Civil Rights Act, in a perfect act of Foucauldian governmentality and market regulation from above, American business interests aggressively interfered in redefining the discursive and symbolic boundaries of the new mainstream normativity and truth in the United States. One can safely say that symbolic and actual denial of slavery and racist essentialism as normalized discourses in mainstream US culture and scholarship took another institutional blow, even though some reactionary book review here and there can still make its way into the mainstream, and even though defeating “dog whistle politics” is much more difficult than defeating outright racist symbols or speech.

THINKING AND NOT THINKING ABOUT RACE IN THE UNITED STATES

2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-446
Author(s):  
DAVID FARBER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
American Society

John Skrentny, The Minority Rights Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002)Richard King, Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, 1940–1970 (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Press, 2004)Since June 1964, all three branches of the federal government have supported the goal of racial justice in the United States. John Skrentny, in The Minority Rights Revolution, explains how that goal and related ones have been implemented over the last sixty years. He argues that key policy developments since that time were driven less by mass movements and much more by elite “meaning entrepreneurs.” Well before the 1964 Civil Rights Act was made law, in the immediate post-World War II years, a bevy of transatlantic intellectuals responded to Nazi race policy by seeking a universalist vision that would unite humanity. Richard King, in Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, explores how intellectuals pursued that anti-racist universalist vision and then how African and African-American intellectuals in the 1960s, in particular, rejected universalism and began, instead, to pursue racial justice through cultural particularism. King's traditional intellectual history, when combined with Skrentny's sociological analysis of how elites managed ideas to pursue specific policies, reveals how American society, in pursuit of racial justice, moved from the simple stated ideals of the 1964 Civil Rights Act—equal opportunity and access—to the complexities of affirmative action and an embrace of “diversity” in American life.

Why Did You Become a Police Officer? Entry-Related Motives and Concerns of Women and Men in Policing

2021 ◽  
pp. 009385482199350
Author(s):  
Samantha S. Clinkinbeard ◽  
Starr J. Solomon ◽  
Rachael M. Rief
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Gender Differences ◽  
Police Officer ◽  
Workforce Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
Research Area ◽  
Police Departments ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
National Institute Of Justice ◽  
Police Agencies

As police agencies in the United States suffer declining applications and struggle to recruit women, the National Institute of Justice has identified workforce development as a priority research area. To recruit more effectively, we must understand what attracts people to policing and what deters them. We surveyed officers in two Midwestern police departments ( n = 832) about entry motivations and concerns and examined gender differences. Serve/protect motivations were most important for men and women, though women rated the category significantly higher. Women and non-White officers rated legacy motives higher than did males and White officers. Women reported more concerns overall and scored higher on job demands and acceptance concerns; officers of color also reported more acceptance concerns than White officers. The largest gender differences were associated with gender-related obstacles and stereotypes (e.g., discrimination; being taken seriously; physical demands), indicating recruitment reform necessarily includes improving systemic issues.

scholarly journals Forward—Police Misconduct and Kibbe v. City of Springfield

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harris Freeman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Police Officer ◽  
United States Supreme Court ◽  
The United States ◽  
Police Misconduct ◽  
United States Supreme ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
The Law

Published: Harris Freeman, Forward—Police Misconduct and Kibbe v. City of Springfield, 40 W. NEW ENG. L. REV. 393 (2018). The Law Review’s 2017 symposium, “Perspectives on Racial Justice in the Era of #BlackLivesMatter,” appropriately opened with a panel that addressed the ongoing challenge of combatting police misconduct, as seen through the lens of Kibbe v. City of Springfield, a civil rights case that unfolded in Western Massachusetts and reached the United States Supreme Court thirty years ago. Kibbe presented the Court with the question of what the proper standard of liability should be for a municipality accused of a civil rights violation under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 for inadequately training a police officer who violates a person’s civil rights.

scholarly journals The influence of race, religion and class on election behavior in the United States of America (1930-2008)

Sociologija ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-116
Author(s):  
Ana Vareca
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Early Stages

In this paper the author evaluates constancy of the influence of race, religion and class on election behavior in America in period 1930-2008. It appears that the findings from the early stages of this period have set the trend which has not significantly change to these days. Findings from electoral 2008 show us very small differences in political behavior throughout these period, except in 1960's when African Americans have become mostly supporters of Democratic party, thanks to efforts of Democrats to sign Civil Rights Act.

The Influence of Title IX

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime Schultz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Title Ix ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Education Amendments Of 1972

What is Title IX? Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 is an amendment to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. It states, “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits...

Oleoresin Capsicum Spray and TASERs

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven G. Brandl ◽  
Meghan S. Stroshine
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Police Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
Event Data ◽  
Police Departments ◽  
Complete Understanding ◽  
Factors Associated ◽  
Police Agencies ◽  
Municipal Police

In the last few decades, several less lethal forms of force have been introduced, adopted, and deployed by police agencies. Oleoresin capsicum (OC) spray is now used in nearly every department across the United States; the Thomas A. Swift Electric Rifle (TASER) is used in the majority of police departments. Despite their widespread use, we still know relatively little about the factors associated with the use of OC spray and TASERs and the effectiveness of these weapons in incapacitating subjects. Knowing when these weapons are used and whether they are effective would provide for a more complete understanding of their strengths and limitations and inform the debate about where less lethal weapons should be placed on use of force continua. This article contributes to the discussion by analyzing 504 use-of-force incidents where the police used OC spray or TASERs during the event. Data were obtained from a large municipal police department on incidents that occurred in 2010 and 2011. Policy considerations and directions for further research are discussed.

Building Toward Major Policy Change: Congressional Action on Civil Rights, 1941–1950

2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Justin Peck
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Supreme Court Decision ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Constitution ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Legislative Proposal

The mid-1960s witnessed a landmark change in the area of civil rights policy in the United States. After a series of tortuous internal battles, with Southern legislators using all available procedural tools to maintain their states' discriminatory Jim Crow legal systems, the United States Congress adopted two statutes—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—which insured civil and political equality for all Americans. The Acts of 1964 and 1965 were the culmination of a decade-long struggle by black Americans to secure the citizenship rights that had been denied to them for more than a half century. Beginning with the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court decision, the civil rights movement built momentum, as formal organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) grew in strength and informal (grass roots) organizations spread throughout the South and the Nation. As national public opinion shifted increasingly toward providing new civil rights guarantees for blacks, Congress responded with new legislation: the Civil Rights Act of 1957 (the first civil rights law since 1875), the Civil Rights Act of 1960, and a legislative proposal to prohibit the poll tax in 1962 (which would be ratified by three-quarters of the states in 1964 and become the 24th Amendment to the United States Constitution).

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