scholarly journals The 2018 Italian general election: a ‘new Italy’ or a ‘dead end’?

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-303
Author(s):  
Luca Pinto
Keyword(s):  
Party Competition ◽  
General Election ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Dead End ◽  
Changing Patterns ◽  
The Way

AbstractTo what extent can the 2018 Italian general election be considered as critical? This article examines how the contributors of six volumes published in the aftermath of the election answer this question by focusing on three major dimensions of change in comparison with the 2013 election: changes in the patterns of party competition; changing patterns of voting behaviour in terms of socio-economic characteristics of the electorate; changes in the salience of issue cleavages and in the way new issues affected the electoral outcomes. The picture originating from the volumes under review is not so sharp as that emerging from the literature that flourished after the 2013 election, whereas several contributions stressed the revolutionary traits of that electoral contest. Despite the important changes observed in comparison to 2013, defining the 2018 general election as critical is adequate only to a certain extent.

scholarly journals Using Intrade.com to Teach Campaign Strategies in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (01) ◽  
pp. 139-144
Author(s):  
Paul R. Abramson
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Reference Point ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Campaign Strategies ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Campaigns And Elections ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Bid Prices ◽  
The Way

AbstractDuring the six weeks before the 2008 elections, I conducted a contest for the 72 students enrolled in my upper-division course Campaigns and Elections. Using contract prices posted by Intrade.com, an electronic gaming market based in Dublin, I asked students to choose among 10 political outcomes. The “contracts” earned by each choice were determined by the Intrade “bid” prices as of September 24, 2008, the day the contest began. The contest helped teach students about campaign strategies, the way electoral rules affect electoral outcomes, provided a reference point to discuss the campaign, and was designed to stimulate interest in the election.

V. The Liberal Revival in Northamptonshire, 1880–1895: A Case Study in Late Nineteenth Century Elections

1969 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Howarth
Keyword(s):  
Conclusive Evidence ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
English History ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Local Pressures

There can be few fields in modern English history in which the historian is so frustrated by lack of evidence as in the study of elections between the introduction of the secret ballot and the coming of the opinion polls. For threequarters of a century after the Ballot Act was passed there is no precise quantitative evidence relating to movements of opinion or the voting behaviour of different groups within the electorate. We cannot even hope for conclusive evidence of what, in general terms, the determinants of voting behaviour were in this period; how to balance the importance of the national party competition and of local pressures; of the ‘image’ and the leadership of the parties and their programmes; of class loyalties and religious loyalties; of electoral persuasion and the fluctuations of a still unmanaged economy. These questions are strictly unanswerable, for there are no pollbooks from which we can deduce the opinions of late nineteenth and early twentieth-century electors, and they are beyond the reach of questionnaires. The only statistics we possess are the bare figures for votes cast for each party in contested elections, and the number of registered electors in each constituency (from which we can calculate the percentage of voters who went to the poll).

Party Politics Triumph over Substantive Scrutiny and Principled Policy: Examining Czech MPs’ Voting Behaviour in Regard to EU Affairs

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-125
Author(s):  
Martin Kuta
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
European Dimension ◽  
The Eu

The paper deals with the European dimension of the competition and contention between Czech political parties and argues that domestic party interests undermine the formal oversight of EU politics by the Czech national parliament. Within the current institutional arrangements, national political parties assume stances – which are expressed through voting – towards the European Union (and European integration as such) as they act in the arena of national parliaments that are supposed to make the EU more accountable in its activities. Based on an analysis of roll-calls, the paper focuses on the ways the political parties assume their stances towards the EU and how the parties check this act by voting on EU affairs. The paper examines factors that should shape parties’ behaviour (programmes, positions in the party system, and public importance of EU/European integration issues). It also focuses on party expertise in EU/European issues and asserts that EU/European integration issues are of greater importance in extra-parliamentary party competition than inside the parliament, suggesting a democratic disconnect between voters and parliamentary behaviour. The study's empirical analysis of the voting behaviour of Czech MPs also shows that the parliamentary scrutiny introduced by the Lisbon Treaty is undermined by party interests within the system.

Demokrasi bangsa

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
REGINA ANINDYA PUTRI
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Governance ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Specific Meaning ◽  
The Way

The meaning and understanding of democracy along the histories of Indonesian government give specific meaning for the development of democracy in Indonesia. There are a lot of democracy paradox or democracy irony that happened in the orde lama era, orde baru era and reformasi era. The process and the development of democracy, finally face to face with the interest of power in the contexts of political trap that is true undemocratic. General election 2004 and Directly Regional Head Election 2005 are being momentum in the implementation of democratic governance, also challenge for political actors and community to raise cultural and structural democracy. By the way, Indonesian democracy still left some questions, that is, whether we prepare and capable to develop democracy without any irony or paradox. Kata kunci : paradox demokrasi, pilkada, membangun

scholarly journals ICT and Elections in Nigeria: Rural Dynamics of Biometric Voting Technology Adoption

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Chidubem Iwuoha
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
Information And Communications Technology ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Communications Technology ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Biometric Technology ◽  
Social Challenges ◽  
The Public ◽  
Electoral Outcomes

Applications of Information and Communications Technology (ICT)-driven innovations are profound in the electoral cycle. Among them, biometric technology is currently sweeping across developing countries. It is, however, only poorly adopted among rural voters. Does the use of biometric technology in the conduct of elections reconstruct rural voters’ behaviour, amid prevailing social challenges? The links between these realities and their consequences are currently less understood, and lacking in supporting literature. I argue that the public perception of bio-metric technology, the availability of proper infrastructure, and the distance between polling stations and the dwellings of rural voters all affect the latter's level of adoption of biometric technology. These interactions combine to produce specific modalities that shape voting behaviour and general political culture. I elicit primary data from voters in Nigeria's remote villages, so as to predict the implications and consequences of glossing over the dimensions and magnitude of the biometric technology adaptation challenge by policymakers. I conclude by reflecting on how these interplays and interactions create “spatial differentials” in electoral outcomes/credibility, and proffer possible strategies for institutional intervention.

scholarly journals Party Competition and Emotive Rhetoric

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 811-837 ◽  
Author(s):  
Spyros Kosmidis ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt ◽  
Eamonn Molloy ◽  
Stephen Whitefield
Keyword(s):  
Time Series ◽  
Positive Affect ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Public Preferences ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
State Of The Union ◽  
The Way

When do parties use emotive rhetoric to appeal to voters? In this article, we argue that politicians are more likely to employ positive affect (valence) in their rhetoric to appeal to voters when parties are not ideologically distinct and when there is uncertainty about public preferences. To test these propositions, our article uses well-established psycholinguistic affect dictionaries to generate scores from three time series of political text: British party manifestos (1900-2015) and annual party leaders’ speeches (1977-2014) as well as U.S. Presidents’ State of the Union addresses (1880-2016). Our findings corroborate our expectations and have important implications for the study of party competition by illuminating the role of valence in the way politicians communicate their policies.

Extreme districts, moderate winners: Same-party challenges, and deterrence in top-two primaries

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Jesse Crosson
Keyword(s):  
Diagnostic Test ◽  
Regression Discontinuity ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
General Election ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Primary Election ◽  
Election System

Abstract In an effort to break the link between districts' lack of competitiveness and the election of ideologues, Washington and California recently adopted the “top-two” primary election system. Among other features, the top-two primary allows members of the same party to run against one another in the general election. Although proponents argue that this system encourages the election of more moderate candidates in highly partisan districts, early reports have uncovered mixed evidence of this effect. This study addresses this puzzle by first disentangling the conditions under which one should expect such primaries to encourage the election of more moderate candidates. Using election returns data from the 2008 through 2014 elections, I find that districts facing same-party general-election competition do elect more moderate legislators than similar districts not subject to same-party competition. However, using an application of a common regression discontinuity diagnostic test, I also find that elite actors appear able to strategically avoid this kind of competition—partially explaining why broader effects of the top-two have not been uncovered. The findings contribute not only to ongoing debates about the effectiveness of the top-two primary, but also to our understanding of how political elites may maneuver institutional changes to their own benefit.

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