Central America

1948 ◽  
Vol 4 (03) ◽  
pp. 316-324
Author(s):  
Edwin Ryan

An Excellent example of the deceptiveness of designations which, like “Latin America,” group under a single name diverse and even mutually hostile regions as though they constituted a unit, is the title of this article. An evidence of the false impression created by the phrase “Central America” is the question not infrequently asked: “Why do not the Central American republics form a federation?” They are close to one another and are so much alike that they ought naturally to combine into a union, as the thirteen British colonies of North America combined.” To ask that question is to betray that one has been misled by name. Though the republics of Central America are close to one another on the map they are not “much alike.” Quite to the reverse. They differ in climate, in soil, in racial composition, in tradition. They are so far from being much alike that every time they have formed a union (and they have tried more than once) the effort has ultimately failed and has usually been followed by wars among themselves which though on a scale comparatively small have been marked by extreme bitterness and ferocity. And though the dream of federation continues to float before the imaginations of some Central Americans there is no indication that the immediate future will behold it transmuted into a reality.

1948 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 316-324
Author(s):  
Edwin Ryan

An Excellent example of the deceptiveness of designations which, like “Latin America,” group under a single name diverse and even mutually hostile regions as though they constituted a unit, is the title of this article. An evidence of the false impression created by the phrase “Central America” is the question not infrequently asked: “Why do not the Central American republics form a federation?” They are close to one another and are so much alike that they ought naturally to combine into a union, as the thirteen British colonies of North America combined.” To ask that question is to betray that one has been misled by name. Though the republics of Central America are close to one another on the map they are not “much alike.” Quite to the reverse. They differ in climate, in soil, in racial composition, in tradition. They are so far from being much alike that every time they have formed a union (and they have tried more than once) the effort has ultimately failed and has usually been followed by wars among themselves which though on a scale comparatively small have been marked by extreme bitterness and ferocity. And though the dream of federation continues to float before the imaginations of some Central Americans there is no indication that the immediate future will behold it transmuted into a reality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-284
Author(s):  
ANA ELENA PUGA

Like earlier mother activism in Latin America, the annual Caravana de Madres Centroamericanas (Caravan of Central American Mothers) through Mexico strategically activates the traditional archetype of mothers as passive, pious, suffering victims whose self-abnegation forces them, almost against their will, out of their supposedly natural domestic sphere. Three elements, however, distinguish the caravana from earlier protests staged by mothers. First, this protest crosses national borders, functioning as a transnational pilgrimage to the memory of the disappeared relative. This stage-in-motion temporarily spotlights and claims the spaces traversed by undocumented Central American migrants in Mexico, attempting to recast those migrants as victims of violence rather than as criminals. Second, through performances of both devotional motherhood and saintly motherhood, the caravana's mother-based activism de-normalizes violence related to drugs and migration. Third, performances of family reunification staged by the caravana organizers take place in the few cases in which they manage to locate family members who have not fallen prey to violence but have simply resettled in Mexico and abandoned or lost touch with families left behind in Central America. These performances of family reunification serve important functions: they shift the performance of motherhood from devotion to saintly tolerance, patience and forgiveness – even toward prodigal offspring who were ‘lost’ for years; they provide a chance for other mothers to vicariously feel joy and hope that their children are still alive; they exemplify world citizens challenging incompetent or indifferent nation state authorities; and they enact a symbolic unification of Central America and Mexico in defiance of contemporary nation state borders.


2019 ◽  
pp. 95-126
Author(s):  
Sharon Erickson Nepstad

This chapter examines the conditions that fostered liberation theology in Latin America. The chapter provides a brief overview of liberation theology’s central themes and how it fueled revolutionary movements in Central America, particularly in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala. It surveys the Catholic hierarchy’s responses, ranging from sympathy to condemnation, and highlights several US religious movements that expressed solidarity with Central American Catholics who were fighting for social justice. These organizations included Witness for Peace, which brought US Christians to the war zones of Nicaragua to deter combat attacks, and also Pledge of Resistance, which mobilized tens of thousands into action when US policy toward the region grew more bellicose. Finally, the chapter describes the School of the Americas Watch, which aimed to stop US training of Latin American militaries that were responsible for human rights atrocities.


2019 ◽  
pp. 123-159
Author(s):  
David Scott FitzGerald

Washington and Ottawa have tried to keep out most of the Central Americans fleeing to North America beginning in the civil wars of the 1980s. Central America and Mexico buffer the United States, which in turn buffers Canada. The U.S. government has propped up client states in Central America; paid for refugee camps; and provided training, equipment, and financing for migration controls further south. Mexico has weak rights of territorial personhood, so rather than strictly controlling entry across its southern border, its entire territory has become a “vertical frontier” with the United States. Aggressive U.S. enforcement at the Mexican border traps transit migrants in Mexico and creates an incentive for the Mexican government to deport them. But harsh U.S. enforcement on its border and the fact that it targets Mexicans as well as third-country nationals impedes the bilateral cooperation that would make Mexico a more effective buffer.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-499
Author(s):  
Robert C. Williamson

Traditional or developing areas of the world are moving toward urban and industrial societies characterized by rationalistic behavior. To an appreciable extent this transition is identified as the rise of urban middle sectors or classes, at least in the case of Latin America. One phase of the transition from a stage of economic underdevelopment to an industrial system has been the advent of public housing. Latin America in the last twenty years has witnessed extensive migration of families from the rural hinterland—in addition to the ever expanding families of the city itself— to the squatter shacks and slums, with eventual transfer of limited numbers to public housing. This article proposes to report on some differences in behavior and values of residents of private dwellings as opposed to those residents of public housing in two Central American capitals.


2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 33-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Mark Ruhl

AbstractAnalysts agree that political corruption is an obstacle to democratic consolidation but disagree about how to measure the extent of corruption in individual nations. This analysis of the Central American countries demonstrates that the most important competing quantitative measures of political corruption produce strikingly different rankings. These contradictory results are caused less by poor measurement techniques than by the existence of two different dimensions of corruption that do not always coincide. Statistical indicators based on expert perceptions of corruption and alternative indicators based on ordinary citizens' firsthand experiences with bribery measure, respectively, grand corruption by senior officials and petty corruption by lower-level functionaries. This study attempts to explain why several Central American nations suffer primarily from one or the other rather than both. It advances recommendations for future research and future anticorruption policies that may be applied to Latin America as a whole.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (8) ◽  
pp. e0009642
Author(s):  
Sergio E. Bermúdez ◽  
Brittany A. Armstrong ◽  
Lillian Domínguez ◽  
Aparna Krishnavajhala ◽  
Alexander R. Kneubehl ◽  
...  

Tick-borne relapsing fever (TBRF) spirochetes are likely an overlooked cause of disease in Latin America. In Panama, the pathogens were first reported to cause human disease in the early 1900s. Recent collections of Ornithodoros puertoricensis from human dwellings in Panama prompted our interest to determine whether spirochetes still circulate in the country. Ornithodoros puertoricensis ticks were collected at field sites around the City of Panama. In the laboratory, the ticks were determined to be infected with TBRF spirochetes by transmission to mice, and we report the laboratory isolation and genetic characterization of a species of TBRF spirochete from Panama. Since this was the first isolation of a species of TBRF spirochete from Central America, we propose to designate the bacteria as Borrelia puertoricensis sp. nov. This is consistent with TBRF spirochete species nomenclature from North America that are designated after their tick vector. These findings warrant further investigations to assess the threat B. puertoricensis sp. nov. may impose on human health.


Author(s):  
A. Sivanesan

Abstract A description is provided for Diplocarpon maculatum. Information is included on the disease caused by the organism, its transmission, geographical distribution, and hosts. HOSTS: Amelanchier, Aronia, Crataegus, Cydonia, Eriobotrya, Heteromeles, Malus, Mespilus, Photinia, Pyracantha, Pyrus, Raphiolepis, Sorbus. DISEASE: Entomosporium leaf blight or Fabraea scald. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION: Generally throughout the temperate zones and extending into the tropics in Central America and highlands of Kenya. North America (Canada, USA, Mexico), Central American states, South America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Uruguay), Europe, Africa (Morocco, South Africa, Rhodesia, Mozambique, Madagascar, Kenya), Asia (Afghanistan, India, Israel, Japan, Turkey, USSR), Australia and New Zealand (CMI Map 327, ed. 2, 1968). TRANSMISSION: By splash dispersed conidia; ascospores appear to be of minor importance.


1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth G. Ferris

The violence in Central America has displaced an unprecedented number of people in the area. While the majority of the approximately two million displaced individuals remain within their native countries, hundreds of thousands have fled to neighboring countries and to the U.S. where they create serious economic and political problems for the host governments. This article explores Mexico's policies toward the estimated 250,000 Central Americans who are seeking protection from the violence of their homelands.There is considerable controversy over whether these individuals are political refugees. The 1951 United Nations Convention on Refugees defines refugees as those individuals who “due to a well-founded fear of persecution on the basis of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion have left their country of origin.” The convention's emphasis on individuals singled out for political persecution would seem to disqualify many of the Central Americans fleeing generalized conditions of violence.


Subject With the dollar strengthening against many local currencies, remittances are on the rise. Significance The strengthening of the dollar has seen remittance figures in Mexico and Central America rise recently. While the weight of remittances varies greatly across Latin America, Mexico is by far the most important recipient in the region. However, the weight of remittance transfers in the Mexican economy only has a significant impact in certain areas, while in several Central American countries, notably El Salvador, they are vital to overall private consumption. Impacts As the US economy gathers strength, remittances should continue to grow, albeit at single-digit rates. While the economic relevance of remittances should decline in Mexico, it will continue increasing in Central America. Governments are faced with the challenge of redirecting the use of remittances from spending to investment.


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