Sectional Differences in Partisan Bias and Electoral Responsiveness in US House Elections, 1850–1980

1991 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Brady ◽  
Bernard Grofman
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Wall Street Journal ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
Critical Importance ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Partisan Bias ◽  
The Us ◽  
Electoral Change ◽  
Democratic Advantage

In this Note we challenge the claim asserted in a 1984 Wall Street Journal editorial that partisan gerrymandering by Democratic-controlled state legislatures is the principal reason for the inability of Republicans to translate their national share of votes proportionally into seats in the US House of Representatives. In contrast to previous work, we show the critical importance of sectional (South/non-South) differences for understanding the dynamics of electoral change at the congressional level. We argue that the inability of Republicans to translate votes effectively into congressional seats is largely a product of wasted Republican votes in the South, although we recognize that a handful of states (e.g., California) are significantly gerrymandered against Republicans, and we also recognize that part of the reason for the present-day Democratic advantage in the House is an incumbency advantage that benefits the party that controls most seats.

The Incumbency Advantage in the US Congress: A Roller-Coaster Relationship

Politics ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Stockemer ◽  
Rodrigo Praino
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Roller Coaster ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
Constant Increase ◽  
Us Congress ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
The 1960S

While every student in American politics knows that the incumbency advantage grew post-1965, it is less clear as to whether or not this growth has been sustainable throughout the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. Focusing on the last three decades, we show that the electoral margins of sitting members of the House of Representatives have not linearly grown over the past 60 years. On the contrary, the constant increase in incumbents' vote shares between the 1960s and 1980s could not be sustained in the 1990s. In fact, in the 1990s, the incumbency advantage dropped sharply to levels experienced in the 1960s. In recent years, the electoral margin of sitting House members seems to have grown again to levels comparable to those in the 1970s.

A Note on Close Elections and Regression Analysis of the Party Incumbency Advantage

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Peter M. Aronow ◽  
David R. Mayhew ◽  
Winston Lin
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Least Squares ◽  
Control Strategy ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Regression Discontinuity ◽  
Ordinary Least Squares ◽  
Regression Discontinuity Design ◽  
Least Squares Regression ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
The Us

AbstractMuch research has recently been devoted to understanding the effects of party incumbency following close elections, typically using a regression discontinuity design. Researchers have demonstrated that close elections in the US House of Representatives may systematically favor certain types of candidates, and that a research design that focuses on close elections may therefore be inappropriate for estimation of the incumbency advantage. We demonstrate that any issues raised with the study of close elections may be equally applicable to the ordinary least squares analysis of electoral data, even when the sample contains all elections. When vote share is included as part of a covariate control strategy, the estimate produced by an ordinary least squares regression that includes all elections either exactly reproduces or approximates the regression discontinuity estimate.

scholarly journals Electoral Reforms, Membership Stability and the Existence of Committee Property Rights in American State Legislatures

2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEVERILL SQUIRE ◽  
KEITH E. HAMM ◽  
RONALD D. HEDLUND ◽  
GARY F. MONCRIEF
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
Legislative Organization ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
The Us ◽  
Electoral Reforms ◽  
Committee Membership ◽  
Ballot Design ◽  
American State

One of the most creative theories advanced about legislative organization in recent years is Katz and Sala's linkage of the development of committee property rights in the US House of Representatives to the introduction of the Australian ballot. Katz and Sala argue that the Australian ballot – a government-printed ballot cast in secret that replaced a party-produced ballot that was cast in public – gave members of the House an incentive to pursue personal constituency votes. This, in turn, led to the rise of committee property rights as members sought to keep their committee assignments from term to term because of the potential electoral benefits they derived from them. In this Note we use the state legislative committee membership dataset collected by Hamm and Hedlund and their colleagues to test whether committee property rights appeared in American state legislatures at roughly the same time as Katz and Sala find they emerged in the US House. State legislatures were, of course, exposed to the same electoral innovation at the same time. But, while in some ways state legislatures were much like Congress as organizations, in other ways they were very different. Our cross-sectional data and the variance in important institutional variables they provide allow us to test a critical proposition about the importance of membership stability rates in mediating the rise of committee property rights. We also go beyond Katz and Sala's analysis by testing to see if differences in Australian ballot design (office column and party bloc) across the states influenced the behaviour of legislators in the way their theory suggests.

to less prosaic representations. That five of the commentaries are positive in their evaluation of Neighbours, two neutral, and only one negative suggests the broad potential acceptability of the program to the US market (only one publication, the Wall Street Journal, has the kind of highbrow readership which might encourage its television critics to sneer at popular material such as soaps). The two textual features of Neighbours which do draw comment – the everyday, and the domestic and suburban – point to a crucial first feature of the US “mediascape,” in particular its “soapscape,” namely the preference for the exceptional, the non-domestic, the non-suburban. In US soaps, it is well known, the pole of melodrama exercises greater attraction than the pole of realism (cf. Geraghty 1991: 25–38) – in contrast to Australian and British soaps. These two textual aspects of Neighbours are a central theme of the US commentaries, combining under the rubric of the non-exceptional, the “realistic.” All the commentaries bar the sole negative one (Kitman 1991: 23) refer positively to Neighbours’ “realism,” often in contradistinction to the perceived artificiality of US soaps. Peter Pinne, the program’s executive producer, is twice quoted to just this effect (Goodspeed 1991: 22; Mann 1991: 28), while USA Today (Roush 1991: 15) applauds “how close the residents of Ramsey Street seem to our own suburban counterparts,” and notes that “its casual gossip and unexceptional lifestyle [are] closer to the early days of Knots Landing than to any current soap.” The redoubtable Wall Street Journal does not sneer, but praises a television version of middle- and lower-class life that is at ease with itself and singularly lacking in . . . the self-consciousness and discomfort that attends American television’s efforts to portray uneducated white working-class types . . . . [Its] characters . . . ought to be more recognisable to Americans than the peculiar beings that inhabit the worlds of our home-grown TV dramas . . . . [They] actually converse with one another in the way that people do – without declaiming or the rat-a-tat of one-liners, or recitals of a position on the latest hot social theme. If the beat of their daily lives is unhysterical – quiet, in fact – it is also eventful. (Rabinowitz 1991: 17) The Wall Street Journal takes a refreshing distance from the infamous “Greed is good” dictum voiced in Oliver Stone’s film, Wall Street! Given Neighbours’s atypicality in the realm of US soaps, its American reference points are either Knots Landing – which one British journalist described as “the nearest the Americans can bear to get to a soap about ordinary people” (Kingsley 1989: 226) – or US sitcoms (Kelleher 1991: 36; Rabinowitz 1991: 17). Buyer and seller agreed that its non-exceptional “realism” was one reason for Neighbours’s failure in the US “soapscape.” KCOP described it as “less raunchy than US soap operas, too wholesome” (Moran 1992). Its seller, Bob Cristal, added that

2002 ◽  
pp. 119-119
Keyword(s):  
Wall Street Journal ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Reference Points ◽  
Soap Operas ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Textual Features ◽  
The Wall Street Journal

scholarly journals Constituency Service and Incumbency Advantage

1991 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary King
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Congressional Elections ◽  
State Legislators ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
State Legislative Elections ◽  
State Legislative

Numerous scholars have documented a dramatic increase in incumbency advantage in US congressional elections and also state legislative elections over the past four decades. For example, Gelman and King show that incumbents in the House of Representatives now receive about twelve extra percentage points solely as a result of holding congressional office during the campaign; the comparable figure for most of the first half of this century was only 2 per cent. This advantage of incumbency has made members of the US House and many state legislators nearly invulnerable to electoral defeat.

Reading the Image of Race: Neurocriminology, Medical Imaging Technologies and Literary Intervention

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsey Andrews ◽  
Jonathan M. Metzl
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Wall Street Journal ◽  
Genetic Basis ◽  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Criminal Behaviour ◽  
Dominant Model ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Behavioural Genetics ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Brain Scan

On 26 April 2013, the Wall Street Journal published an essay by neurocriminologist Adrian Raine promoting his newest book, The Anatomy of Violence: The Biological Roots of Crime. On the newspaper’s website, an image of a black-and-white brain scan overlaid with handcuffs headed the essay. Clicking ‘play’ turned the image into a video filled with three-dimensional brain illustrations and Raine’s claims that some brains are simply more biologically prone to violence than others. Rejecting what he describes as ‘the dominant model for understanding criminal behaviour in the twentieth century’ – a model based ‘almost exclusively on social and sociological’ explanations – Raine wrote that ‘the genetic basis of criminal behaviour is now well established’ through molecular and behavioural genetics.

ANALISIS DIVERSIFIKASI INTERNASIONAL : PEMBENTUKAN PORTOFOLIO OPTIMAL INDEKS SAHAM DUNIA (Studi Kasus Pada Indeks Saham Aktif Dunia Versi The Wall Street Journal)

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rony Mahendra ◽  
Erwin Dyah Astawinetu
Keyword(s):  
Wall Street Journal ◽  
Optimal Portfolio ◽  
Stock Index ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Expected Return ◽  
Single Index ◽  
Index Model ◽  
Single Index Model ◽  
Stock Indices ◽  
The Wall Street Journal

The research objective is to establish an optimal portfolio and know the difference between risk and return stock index portfolio candidates and non-candidates. Method used in the preparation of this research portfolio is the single index model, while the samples of this study are active world stock indices version of The Wall Street Journal during the period August 2012 - August 2016 and The Global Dow is used as the benchmark stock index. In establishing the optimal portfolio is used two perspectives: the Rupiah perspective and the U.S. Dollar perspective. The results showed there were three stock indices from the perspective of Rupiah and 8 share index menurutperspektif U.S. Dollar that make up the optimal portfolio, with the cut-of-pointsebesar 0,01393menurut Rupiah perspective and the perspective of 0.0078 US Dollars Based on the perspective of return expectations Rupiah obtained by 0.0258 with a risk of 0.06512. Berdarkan perspective of US Dollars, obtained return expectations at 0.0154 with a risk of 0.0292. From the test results showed that the hypothesis, the return on both perspectives there are significant differences between the index of the candidate, with a non-candidate. Then the risk of stock index, among the candidates, with a non-candidate, the Rupiah perspective there is no difference, but in the perspective of US Dollars, there are significant differences.Keywords: Single Index Model, candidate portfolio, optimal portfolio, expected return, excess return to beta, cut-off-point

Interaction of Ukrainian Diaspora and the USA Government Regarding Celebration of Ukrainian Independence Day on January 22

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (47) ◽  
pp. 136-145
Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The United States ◽  
100Th Anniversary ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
The Public ◽  
Us Congress ◽  
The Us ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
The Usa

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress

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