scholarly journals Electoral Reforms, Membership Stability and the Existence of Committee Property Rights in American State Legislatures

2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEVERILL SQUIRE ◽  
KEITH E. HAMM ◽  
RONALD D. HEDLUND ◽  
GARY F. MONCRIEF

One of the most creative theories advanced about legislative organization in recent years is Katz and Sala's linkage of the development of committee property rights in the US House of Representatives to the introduction of the Australian ballot. Katz and Sala argue that the Australian ballot – a government-printed ballot cast in secret that replaced a party-produced ballot that was cast in public – gave members of the House an incentive to pursue personal constituency votes. This, in turn, led to the rise of committee property rights as members sought to keep their committee assignments from term to term because of the potential electoral benefits they derived from them. In this Note we use the state legislative committee membership dataset collected by Hamm and Hedlund and their colleagues to test whether committee property rights appeared in American state legislatures at roughly the same time as Katz and Sala find they emerged in the US House. State legislatures were, of course, exposed to the same electoral innovation at the same time. But, while in some ways state legislatures were much like Congress as organizations, in other ways they were very different. Our cross-sectional data and the variance in important institutional variables they provide allow us to test a critical proposition about the importance of membership stability rates in mediating the rise of committee property rights. We also go beyond Katz and Sala's analysis by testing to see if differences in Australian ballot design (office column and party bloc) across the states influenced the behaviour of legislators in the way their theory suggests.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zachary Neal ◽  
Rachel Domagalski ◽  
Xiaoqin Yan

Effective lawmaking requires collaboration among legislators, who form coalitions to advance their legislative agendas. In the US House of Representatives, these collaborations develop in a context of shifting political party control. In this paper we explore how legislators' party and gender identities simultaneously influence whom they choose as collaborators by examining differential party and gender homophily during a period of shifting party control and increasing representation of women. We introduce new methods for inferring legislative collaboration networks from bill co-sponsorship data, then estimate cross-sectional logistic regression models on these networks from 1981 -- 2015. We find evidence of differential homophily by both party and gender: Republicans and women tend to prefer same-party and same-gender political collaborators more than Democrats and men. However, party homophily (i.e. partisanship) is stronger than gender homophily, suggesting that party is a more salient identity for legislators than gender.


1991 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Brady ◽  
Bernard Grofman

In this Note we challenge the claim asserted in a 1984 Wall Street Journal editorial that partisan gerrymandering by Democratic-controlled state legislatures is the principal reason for the inability of Republicans to translate their national share of votes proportionally into seats in the US House of Representatives. In contrast to previous work, we show the critical importance of sectional (South/non-South) differences for understanding the dynamics of electoral change at the congressional level. We argue that the inability of Republicans to translate votes effectively into congressional seats is largely a product of wasted Republican votes in the South, although we recognize that a handful of states (e.g., California) are significantly gerrymandered against Republicans, and we also recognize that part of the reason for the present-day Democratic advantage in the House is an incumbency advantage that benefits the party that controls most seats.


Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Asher Y. Rosinger ◽  
Anisha I. Patel ◽  
Francesca Weaks

Abstract Objective As tap water distrust has grown in the US with greater levels among Black and Hispanic households, we aimed to examine recent trends in not drinking tap water including the period covering the US Flint Water Crisis and racial/ethnic disparities in these trends. Design Cross-sectional analysis. We used log-binomial regressions and marginal predicted probabilities examined US nationally-representative trends in tap and bottled water consumption overall and by race/ethnicity. Setting The National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey data, 2011–2018. Participants Nationally-representative sample of 9,439 children aged 2-19 and 17,268 adults. Results Among US children and adults, respectively, in 2017-2018 there was a 63% (adjusted prevalence ratio [PR]:1.63, 95%CI: 1.25-2.12, p<0.001) and 40% (PR:1.40, 95%CI: 1.16-1.69, p=0.001) higher prevalence of not drinking tap water compared to 2013-2014 (pre-Flint Water Crisis). For Black children and adults, the probability of not drinking tap water increased significantly from 18.1% (95%CI: 13.4-22.8) and 24.6% (95%CI: 20.7-28.4) in 2013–14 to 29.3% (95%CI: 23.5-35.1) and 34.5% (95%CI: 29.4-39.6) in 2017–2018. Among Hispanic children and adults, not drinking tap water increased significantly from 24.5% (95%CI: 19.4-29.6) and 27.1% (95%CI: 23.0-31.2) in 2013-14 to 39.7% (95%CI: 32.7-46.8) and 38.1% (95%CI: 33.0-43.1) in 2017-2018. No significant increases were observed among Asian or white persons between 2013-14 and 2017-18. Similar trends were found in bottled water consumption. Conclusions This study found persistent disparities in the tap water consumption gap from 2011–2018. Black and Hispanics’ probability of not drinking tap water increased following the Flint Water Crisis.


Author(s):  
Sarah M. Frank ◽  
Lindsay M. Jaacks ◽  
Carolina Batis ◽  
Lana Vanderlee ◽  
Lindsey Smith Taillie

Close economic ties encourage production and trade of meat between Canada, Mexico, and the US. Understanding the patterns of red and processed meat consumption in North America may inform policies designed to reduce meat consumption and bolster environmental and public health efforts across the continent. We used nationally-representative cross-sectional survey data to analyze consumption of unprocessed red meat; processed meat; and total red and processed meat. Generalized linear models were used to separately estimate probability of consumption and adjusted mean intake. Prevalence of total meat consumers was higher in the US (73.6, 95% CI: 72.3–74.8%) than in Canada (65.6, 63.9–67.2%) or Mexico (62.7, 58.1–67.2%). Men were more likely to consume unprocessed red, processed, and total meat, and had larger estimated intakes. In Mexico, high wealth individuals were more likely to consume all three categories of meat. In the US and Canada, those with high education were less likely to consume total and processed meat. Estimated mean intake of unprocessed red, processed, and total meat did not differ across sociodemographic strata. Overall consumption of red and processed meat remains high in North America. Policies to reduce meat consumption are appropriate for all three countries.


Neurosurgery ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Priyank Khandelwal ◽  
Fawaz Al-Mufti ◽  
Ambooj Tiwari ◽  
Amit Singla ◽  
Adam A Dmytriw ◽  
...  

Abstract BACKGROUND While there are reports of acute ischemic stroke (AIS) in coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) patients, the overall incidence of AIS and clinical characteristics of large vessel occlusion (LVO) remain unclear. OBJECTIVE To attempt to establish incidence of AIS in COVID-19 patients in an international cohort. METHODS A cross-sectional retrospective, multicenter study of consecutive patients admitted with AIS and COVID-19 was undertaken from March 1 to May 1, 2020 at 12 stroke centers from 4 countries. Out of those 12 centers, 9 centers admitted all types of strokes and data from those were used to calculate the incidence rate of AIS. Three centers exclusively transferred LVO stroke (LVOs) patients and were excluded only for the purposes of calculating the incidence of AIS. Detailed data were collected on consecutive LVOs in hospitalized patients who underwent mechanical thrombectomy (MT) across all 12 centers. RESULTS Out of 6698 COVID-19 patients admitted to 9 stroke centers, the incidence of stroke was found to be 1.3% (interquartile range [IQR] 0.75%-1.7%). The median age of LVOs patients was 51 yr (IQR 50-75 yr), and in the US centers, African Americans comprised 28% of patients. Out of 66 LVOs, 10 patients (16%) were less than 50 yr of age. Among the LVOs eligible for MT, the average time from symptom onset to presentation was 558 min (IQR 82-695 min). A total of 21 (50%) patients were either discharged to home or discharged to acute rehabilitation facilities. CONCLUSION LVO was predominant in patients with AIS and COVID-19 across 2 continents, occurring at a significantly younger age and affecting African Americans disproportionately in the USA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 117863292110192
Author(s):  
Minh Van Hoang ◽  
Anh Tuan Tran ◽  
Trang Thu Vu ◽  
Tuan Kim Duong

This study examined the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) preparedness and response of the health system (HS) in Hanoi, Vietnam, and identified enabling factors and barriers. This cross-sectional, mixed-methods study was conducted in 4 urban and peri-urban districts that included some wards with COVID-19-positive cases and some without. The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) analytical frameworks were used. Overall, 10% of health facilities (HFs) failed to fully implement COVID-19 risk determination; 8.8% failed to fully implement stronger community partnerships with local stakeholders to support public health (PH) preparedness; 35% and 2.5% incompletely implemented and did not implement evaluation of PH emergency operations, respectively; 10% did not identify communication channels to issue public information, alerts, warnings, and notifications; 25% incompletely implemented identification, development of guidance, and standards for information; 72.5% had good preventive and treatment collaboration; and 10% did not fully implement procedures for laboratory testing and reporting results. Enablers included sufficient infrastructure and equipment, strong leadership, and good cross-public-sector collaboration with police and military forces. Barriers included workforce constraints, overburdened and inconsistent reporting systems, inappropriate financial mechanisms, ambiguous health governance, and lack of private-sector engagement. Nonetheless, the HS preparedness and response were satisfactory, although further coordinated efforts in evaluation, coordination, communication, and volunteering remain necessary.


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