scholarly journals The Silent Gatekeeper: Authoritarianism and Civil Society in China

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Kate Mah

This paper examines the emergence of civil society in China under the authoritarian system in the last thirty years. It seeks to explore the ways in which an initial, traditional notion of civil society has altered in the context of China, as well as the respective challenges faced by both the organizations and the government in carrying out their goals and governance. The rapid rise of market capitalism, globalization and Chinese economic success in the last forty years to present day has made room for the rise of non-governmental organizations as well as social mobilization and engagement from citizens. This paper suggests that China has been able to accept the emergence of civil society, however, despite these developments, the government has been able to sufficiently suppress civil society from carrying out any objectives of transparency, social justice and accountability. It surveys the history of civil society within the authoritarian state, analyzes the specific government-NGO relations between the Chinese Communist Party and civil society organizations, and reflects upon the implications of the current legal and political framework that Chinese civil society must operate under.

Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt ◽  
Dominic Perera ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell ◽  
Kristin M. Bakke

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.


Author(s):  
Kamil Demirhan

This study finds out the use of Facebook by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey to engage the social and political events of the country. NGOs are civil society organizations aiming at promoting participation of citizens in social and political issues. They are a part of democratic system and they have important role to struggle with corruptions and improve the legitimacy of political-legal organization in political system. NGOs work using social networks and promoting civic culture. Therefore, the use of new communication and interaction channels is necessary for NGOs to develop social networks and civic participation. Social media can be a new channel to promote social and political life. This study focuses on Facebook activities of 40 NGOs selected from eight different activity fields: politics, environment, woman rights, economy, emergency, education, human rights, and democracy. It uses content analysis method to understand the NGOs' activities in Facebook, in terms of social and political issues realized in the year of 2012.


NATAPRAJA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-153
Author(s):  
Lely Indah Mindarti ◽  
Ajie Hanif Muzaqi

The research  purpose is to describe implementing of MSMEs empowerment in Batu using perspective of Quadruple helix model . This research using descriptive qualitative approach. Government of Batu through Department of Micro Enterprise Cooperatives and Trade of Batu implements MSMEs empowerment by relying on 4 main factors of empowerment: financial capital access, human resource, partnership, and market strengthening.  This government also established Integrated Business Service Centre (IBSC) as one of the commitments in empowering MSMEs and also making Batu as MSMEs centre. The result of analysis using the concept of Quadruple helix model  found that MSMEs empowerment in Batu involves collaboration of different sectors: the government of Batu, private/business institutions, academics, and civil society through communities, groups, and non-governmental organizations. Thus, the government of Batu plays dominant roles in the interaction synergies of different sectors and being responsible in equitable economic development. Private institutions play roles as production developer, academics play roles as knowledge and skill development transferor and civil society plays roles as creative economic agents and product users


2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariana Bogdanova

Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) in societies undergoing socio‐economic transition are widely regarded as central to building a civil society that encourages democracy. At the moment, the Bulgarian civil society depends greatly on foreign funding whilst NGOs are unable to empower their beneficiaries in decision‐making. Given this reality, are cross‐national NGO partnerships able to strengthen organisations? What kinds of support are on offer, what kinds of (inter) dependency relations occur and to what extent do NGOs model their management practices on their mentor and with what results? This paper sets out to situate these questions in the context of a proposed theoretical construct, organizational mentoring, which occurs where national or local organisations have access to and support of well‐established NGOs abroad. The model is constructed on the findings of a qualitative case study conducted in Bulgaria on the development of a Bulgarian NGO and its relationship with a UK NGO. This is preceded by a discussion on selected literature reflecting the meaning of transition, change in societal values and organizational practices in Eastern Europe, and the development of voluntary sector organizations in transforming countries. The theoretical model proposed here is relevant in providing a systematic discussion on organizational change towards a more enlightened engagement between civil society organizations in cross‐national partnerships. Such discussion has implications for the development of hybrid forms of coexistence between Eastern and Western European partners reflected in their interdependent organizational practices.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001083672110471
Author(s):  
Emma Elfversson ◽  
Desirée Nilsson

Why are some peace processes in communal conflicts more inclusive of civil society actors than others? Inclusion of civil society actors, such as churches and religious leaders, women’s organizations, or youth groups, is seen as important for normative reasons, and studies also suggest that civil society inclusion can improve the prospects for durable peace. Yet, we have a very limited understanding of why we observe inclusion in some communal conflicts but not others. We address this gap by theorizing about various forms of civil society inclusion in local peace processes, and examining to what extent involvement by different types of third-party actors—governments, inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)—may contribute to inclusion. Empirically, we draw on a combination of cross-case and in-depth data covering peace negotiations in communal conflicts in Kenya. The findings show that civil society was less frequently included as facilitators when the government was involved as a third party, while inclusion in the form of direct participation of civil society in negotiations, or via involvement in the implementation phase, was equally common across different types of third-party actors. Our study thus provides important new insights regarding how inclusion plays out in communal conflicts.


WIMAYA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 15-21
Author(s):  
Vinesha Anindita

Civil society as the beginning of the notions of INGOs gives a holistic view to analyze the problem and the limit of International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) itself. Critics that arises regarding the limit of INGOs is the lack of independence of INGOs that is questionable about the possibility of the dependence of funds even from individual actor to government fund. It can reduce the roles and the functions of INGOs to act objectively.  Another critic for INGOs is a complex matter for international organizations in general about the lack of accountability. So many questions about how do INGOs can be more accountable or whom INGOs should be accountable. This paper argues that accountability should not just for the donors or the government but also stakeholder/grassroots. But, the limit of INGOs can be answered by Amnesty International which is a contradiction example of international organizations that is not affected by the limit of INGO.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
O. V. Turii

The article deals with the basic legal acts defining the procedural aspects of the interaction of local self-government bodies with non-governmental organizations. Particular attention is paid to the coverage of international acts ratified by Ukraine and regulates the issues of such cooperation. The article highlights the dependence of the development of local self-government on the civil and political activity of the population. A detailed study of problems in the relationship of local self-government with citizens, associations of citizens, mass media and other civil society institutions has been formulated, proposals have been formulated to improve the solution of identified problems. As a result of the research, the author concluded that the main problem on the way of democratization of the national legislation of Ukraine is the inactive and ineffective participation of the public in the formation and implementation of state policy. The European Convention on Human Rights determines that the state must ensure the right of citizens to participate in the management of public affairs in order to establish a democratic and legal society, however, there are no mechanisms established by law for such participation. Investigation of the existing regulatory framework in Ukraine to ensure basic legal guarantees of citizens’ participation in the development and implementation of management decisions by local self-government bodies proves that not only these guarantees are not detailed, but also none of the existing normative acts establish clear procedures for ensuring the rights of citizens from the bodies of local self-government information regarding the issues discussed and regulated by these bodies, adopted regulatory acts, projects and mechanisms for the adoption of achymyh decisions for society. The article contains a number of concrete proposals for solving the problems of forming the basis of cooperation between local self-government bodies, the legal regulation of control and supervision activities in the field of local self-government, conflict resolution between local self-government bodies and civil society organizations, improvement of legal regulation of liability for non-compliance with legislation on civil cooperation society with local self-government bodies.


2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-33
Author(s):  
Jun Ki Kim

One of the most talked about developments in social science over the last few decades is the (re)emergence of civil society and its growing influence on manu nations' democratic governance. The paper examined the following: (1) an examination of the growth of Korean nonprofits, (2) an analysis of laws and regulations governing nonprofits (3) an empirical analysis related to organizational governance in Korean nonprofits, and (4) conclusions and policy recommendations. In particular, it was found that internal and external accountability of civil society organixzations meed to focus on their role as major institutional actors. This implies that as long as the public does not perceive accountability as limited to compliance with legal and regulatory standards, we should expect accountability to include democratic internal governance. To accomplish this task, nonprofits and non-governmental organizations must break out of the traditional mold and become more responsible institutions for the services they provide. It was suggested that by utilizing the Internet as a communication tool, civil society organizations could overcome the space and time constraints of their members, thus facilitating better member participation.


Author(s):  
Roger Alan Ritvo

This study reports the findings from a 2006-2007 research project of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Azerbaijan. There is reason to believe that the changes in Azerbaijan's economy because of oil in the Caspian Sea will spur added growth of NGOs and be a catalyst for an expanded civil society, if only because of the international attention that such development brings.  As an integral part of the development of a civil society, NGOs serve a special mediating role between the government and the population and they can be important forces for change.  They can fill service and program gaps and meet local needs when government is unwilling or unable to do so.  Using principles for the development of civil societies, the NGOs in Azerbaijan are slowly making progress.  Current practices were documented through interviews conducted by the author, literature reviews, correspondence and record review.  There are serious concerns that international businesses must be aware of when doing business in Azerbaijan and forming mutually beneficial partnerships with NGOs.


Author(s):  
Thomas Smucker ◽  
Maingi Solomon ◽  
Benjamin Wisner

A growing number of civil society actors across the African continent are in the forefront of disaster risk reduction (DRR) engagements that span service delivery, humanitarian response, community mobilization, capacity building, and policy advocacy. Their roles include valorization of local knowledge and harnessing pressure for transformative change. All of this contributes to natural hazard governance. In contrast to early post-colonial dominance by central governments, natural hazard governance across the continent has gradually been dispersed downward to local institutions and outward to civil society. A series of factors has shaped African civil society and its engagement with DRR-related activities since the 2000s, including heavy debt burdens, neoliberal market reforms, the formation of substantial national NGO sectors out of diverse social movements, and the growth of international humanitarian networks with substantial African presence. Although country- and region-specific political dynamics have created different pathways for civil society engagement with DRR, macro forces have produced strong overarching similarities in state–civil society interaction, particularly with regard to the shrinking of the state and a movement toward technical approaches in DRR. Common pressures of debt, violent conflict, mega-project investment, corruption, and the “natural resource curse” have inflected state–non-state relations because some civil society organizations in all regions have had to become advocates of “another development” and critics of business-as-usual. Within such limitations, practitioners have much to learn from best practices of a diverse set of organizations that span the continent.


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