Do Canadians Distinguish Between Parties? Perceptions of Party Competence

1990 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Nadeau ◽  
André Blais
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Perceived Competence ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Gallup Poll ◽  
Party Competence ◽  
Poll Data ◽  
New Democratic Party

AbstractThis study examines perceptions of party competence in four issue areas: inflation, unemployment, international affairs and Canadian unity. Using Gallup poll data from a 35-year period, the study shows that in three of the four issue areas Canadians clearly distinguish between parties. These distinctions do not merely reflect party popularity and are durable rather than immutable; perceptions change slowly but do respond to government performance. Canadians see the greatest differences between parties with respect to international affairs and Canadian unity; the Liberals enjoy a substantial lead on these two questions. On inflation, perceived competence tends to reflect popularity while on unemployment, Canadians have greater confidence in the New Democratic party. On all issues, the Conservative party image has substantially improved under the Mulroney government.

Issue Ownership by Canadian Political Parties 1953-2001

2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
Éric Bélanger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Issue Ownership ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Gallup Poll ◽  
Finance Management ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Party Competence

Issue ownership refers to political parties' recognized capacity or reputation to deal competently with a number of issues and problems. Canadian perceptions of party competence in five issue areas are examined: unemployment, inflation, national unity, public finance management and international affairs. Using aggregate-level Gallup poll data from a 50-year period, the study shows not only that Canadians distinguish between federal parties based on their issue-handling capabilities, but also that party images are not impervious to change. Two particular moments of realignment in party images are identified: the beginning of the 1960s, and the early 1990s. The image of the federal Liberal party clearly benefited from both periods. Beyond the expected projection effect of party popularity, two factors are shown to account at least partially for these variations over time in issue ownership. The parties' performance while in office and the arrival of new competitors within the party system in the 1993 election are both found to significantly affect perceptions of party competence in Canada.

scholarly journals Hashtag Politics: A Twitter Sentiment Analysis of the 2015 Canadian Federal Election

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Mullins ◽  
Adam Epp
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Application Programming Interface ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Statistical Program ◽  
Application Programming ◽  
Media Platform ◽  
Positive Sentiment ◽  
New Democratic Party

We developed a split plot design model for analysis of sentiment toward federal political parties on the social media platform Twitter in the weeks prior to the 2015 Canadian Federal Election. Data was collected from Twitter’s Application Programming Interface (API) via statistical program R. We scored the sentiment of each Twitter message referring to the parties and tested using ANOVA. Our results suggested that the Liberal Party and New Democratic Party had more positive sentiment than the Conservative Party. Actual seat wins coincide with our results for the Liberal Party (which won 148 new seats) and the Conservative Party (which lost 60 seats), but positive sentiment for the New Democratic Party did not correspond to seat wins.

Executive Turnovers in 2000

2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-331
Author(s):  
Masaru Kohno ◽  
Atsuko Suga
Keyword(s):  
International Trade ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Economic Planning ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Education Science

On April 5 2000, the Diet elected Yoshiro Mori as Japan's 55th prime minister. His predecessor, Keizo Obuchi, had suffered a stroke and became unable to carry out his official responsibility. Mori, who was the former Secretary General of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), inherited the three party coalition between the LDP, the new Komei Party and the Conservative Party, and reappointed all of Obuchi's cabinet members. Yohei Kono was reposted as the Minister of Foreign Affairs; Hideo Usui as Justice; Kiichi Miyazawa as Finance; Hirofumi Nakasone as Education, Science and Technology; Yuya Niwa as Health and Welfare; Tokuichiro Tanazawa as Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries; Takeshi Fukaya as International Trade and Industry; Toshihiro Nikai as Transport; Eita Yashiro as Posts and Telecommunications; Takamori Makino as Labor; Masaaki Nakayama as Construction; Kosuke Hori as Home Affairs, Mikio Aoki as Chief Cabinet Secretary; Kunihiro Tsuzuki as Management and Coordination; Tsutomu Kawara as Defense; Taichi Sakaiya as Economic Planning; Kayoko Shimizu as environment; and Sadakazu Tanigaki as Financial Reconstruction.

The 1992 Referendum in South Africa

1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annette Strauss
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Party ◽  
White Voters ◽  
The Right

The ruling National Party (N.P.) asked white voters during the 1989 election campaign for a mandate to negotiate with all concerned about a new constitution, an undivided South Africa, one citizenship, equal votes, protection of minorities, and the removal of stumbling blocks such as discrimination against people of colour.1 Although the N.P. achieved a cleat majority – 93 seats against 39 for the Conservative Party (C.P.) and 33 for the Democratic Party (D.P.) – the right-wing opposition made destinct progress by gaining 17 seats. After the C.P had captured a further three from the N.P. in by-elections, including Potchefstroom in February 1992, President F. W. de Klerk announced in Parliament that whites would be asked the following month to vote in a referendum in order to remove any doubts about his mandate. The carefully worded question which the electorate had to answer was as follows: Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990 and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiation?

Modes and models of Conservative women’s leadership in the 1930s

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie V. Gottlieb
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
Women's Leadership ◽  
Women's Issues ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Conservative Women

Women came into their own in the Conservative Party in the aftermath of suffrage as party workers, as MPs, as local and national leaders, and as part of a notional women’s bloc of voters that Conservatives felt they could rely on at election time. The valuable work performed by Conservative women at grass roots has been acknowledged in the scholarship, as have the strategies developed by the party to mobilise women as both party workers and voters. Much less attention has been conferred on those Conservative women who became virtual national celebrities. By the late 1930s the two women Conservative MPs to achieve this celebrity and notoriety were Lady Nancy Astor, the first woman MP to take her seat, a committed feminist, and hostess of the so-called Cliveden Set, and the Duchess of Atholl, the first woman MP from Scotland, an avowed anti-(non) feminist, and the Chamberlain scourge at the height of appeasement. Both defied stereotypes of Tory femininity with their own personal styles, by taking an abiding interest in international affairs when most Conservative women were expected to be focused on the local and parochial, and by engaging with women across party lines to advance their favoured policies. They are contrasted with Irene Ward MP whose long Parliamentary career offers a different perspective on where a Conservative MP stood on women’s issues.

scholarly journals Policy Change and Partisan Politics: Understanding Family Policy Differentiation in Two Similar Countries

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita León ◽  
Emmanuele Pavolini ◽  
Joan Miró ◽  
Antonino Sorrenti
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Family Policy ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Social ◽  
Traditional Norms ◽  
Case Design

Abstract This article looks at how different electoral competition dynamics can result in differentiated party positioning on childcare and family policy. Italy and Spain are compared using a most similar case design. The presence of women in politics, the socioeconomic profiles of the voters of the two main left-wing and right-wing Italian and Spanish parties, and opinions on traditional norms of motherhood explain different policy trajectories and higher incentives for the conservative party in Spain to converge toward the social democratic party in more progressive views of family policy.

Why Did Norway Say No?

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-517
Author(s):  
Karl Evang
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Full Membership ◽  
Holding Power ◽  
Economic Growth Model ◽  
The Individual

By a percentage of S3 against 47 of those who voted on September 25, 1972 (approximately 70 per cent of the electorate), Norway rejected full membership in the European Economic Community (EEC). This result came as a shock to the vast majority of those holding power and influence in Norway, including the leading political parties and organizations. The Social Democratic Party, with nearly half of the population behind it, and the National Federation of Trade Unions had made it a condition of loyalty to vote for full membership. The Conservative Party, with about 20 per cent of the voters backing it, had also taken a strong stand for full membership. The discussion for or against membership goes back to 1962–1963, and was resumed 2 years ago. A movement against membership had been built up from the grass roots, crossing party lines and organizations. The author discusses this unique situation, where overriding values and philosophies were able to unite a majority of the nation. All age groups and social classes were involved, although younger people probably were in majority. In the author's view, this movement had very little to do with narrow nationalism or fear of contact. On the contrary, it was a forward-looking movement, motivated, among other factors, by the importance of international cooperation at a global level; by the feeling that the economic growth model of the Treaty of Rome was now outmoded; that the supplementary values to be created must be developed by decentralization in smaller units at a local level; that spreading alienation can only be counteracted by more active participation by and responsibility of the individual citizen; and that the bigger was not always a better unit. The victorious movement was, in fact, carried by a feeling that one had to break loose from the conventional development model and consciously try to lay the foundation for the coming postindustrial society.

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