Ilya Ehrenburg vs l'orthodoxie, 1958–1962

1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72
Author(s):  
Luc Duhamel

In this work, the author has sought to examine the political role of Ilya Ehrenburg in the strategy of détente pursued by Khruschchev from 1958 to 1962. The approach taken by the Soviet intellectual in support of the initiatives of his leader is put in its true perspective: a struggle between the conservatives and the liberals who, in the USSR as in the midst of the international communist movement, seek to thwart the efforts of the Soviet Party's first secretary. The opposing tactics to the latter are outlined: encouragement is shown to those who, in Moscow as among the other communist parties, subscribe to the plans of the Kremlin's chief. Finally, an attempted explanation for the failure of Ehrenburg's initiatives in favour of the policies of Khrushchev is outlined.

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-119
Author(s):  
Ahmad Habibur Rohman

Abstract: This paper discusses about the role of KH Abdul Ghofur within the general election in 2014 in Paciran-Lamongan. KH Abdul Ghofur was the one behind the winning effort of Gerindra party in Paciran. From the results of recapitulation of votes of the party in the general election in 2014, the Gerindra party got a very significant vote when compared with the number of votes in the general election in 2009. On the other hands, he was also the one behind one of legislative members of DPRD of Lamongan. Based on this, it can be concluded that the political role of KH Abdul Ghofur can be regarded as a very successful role in the winning effort of Gerindra party in Paciran. Therefore, the political role of the clerics cannot be disputed by the political elite and society in general. They can be used as a political role of the party either religion-based party or nationalist –based party or even abangan-based party.Keywords: Role, cleric, victory, Gerindra, general election.


ALQALAM ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 339 ◽  
Author(s):  
ABDUL HAMID

Kyai is one of traditional leaders in Banten. The political role of kyai in Banten has risen and fell. From collonial collapsed to Indonesian Revolt 1945, the leadership of kyai had increased in the peak performance. In 1945 until 1950, all of the Bupati in Banten were positioned by kyai. Since that time to now, in all of dimensions, the leadership of kyai has decreased. In New Order era, many kyais were organized as supported organization of ruling party. It was mutualism relation, ruling party got mass supports and kyai got material support for himself and pesantren. Impad of this strategy was increasing of charisma, influence, and trust. On the other hand, some kyais got oppression because of their independences and critics to government. In reformasi era, kyai had been fragmented in many political powers, but still as supporting actor not as the main one. To fulfill their needs, both for their selves and for pesantren, some kyais has done pragmatically and depended on others. This met with politician or government purposes to get religious legitimacy. The mix of political and economic weakness made kyai failed to made reformasi era as an opportunity to get back their ultimate role in politics. Keywords: Kyai, Political Role, New Order, Reformation Era, Banten.    


Theoria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (165) ◽  
pp. 92-117
Author(s):  
Bronwyn Leebaw

What kinds of lessons can be learned from stories of those who resisted past abuses and injustices? How should such stories be recovered, and what do they have to teach us about present day struggles for justice and accountability? This paper investigates how Levi, Broz, and Arendt formulate the political role of storytelling as response to distinctive challenges associated with efforts to resist systematic forms of abuse and injustice. It focuses on how these thinkers reflected on such themes as witnesses, who were personally affected, to varying degrees, by atrocities under investigation. Despite their differences, these thinkers share a common concern with the way that organised atrocities are associated with systemic logics and grey zones that make people feel that it would be meaningless or futile to resist. To confront such challenges, Levi, Arendt and Broz all suggest, it is important to recover stories of resistance that are not usually heard or told in ways that defy the expectations of public audiences. Their distinctive storytelling strategies are not rooted in clashing theories of resistance, but rather reflect different perspectives on what is needed to make resistance meaningful in contexts where the failure of resistance is intolerable.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-384
Author(s):  
Lode Van Outrive

We set out by tracking the political vicissitudes of the administration of justice and their connections with a range of phenomena: the neglect by politicians; a series of events and scandals and the very curious reactions of the judicial apparatus; several parliamentary investigation commissions without much effect. Then we take a critical look at partisan politicisation of the magistrature: negative evalution of their output thrives to it; but there are also partisan appointments and promotions, even absence and refusal of training. Many contextual factors hinder a normal, acceptable process of politicisation: over- and underregulation, bad legislation, misconception on contra! over the administration of justice and over judges, non-democratic decisionmaking within the organisation of the magistrature, the development of wrong relationship inside the trias politica; but also other more external conditions were not met neither.  We wind up with an examination of the assesment of recent governmental proposals: an improvement of criminal and judicial inquiries; foundation of a national advisory body for the magistrature; simplification of the legislation; modernisation of the courts activities; a more objective recruitment and selection system; more easy access to justice etc. The question raises as to wether it suffices to tinker with the sy stem of the administration of justice alone ... Between the Belgian and the Italian situations are similarities and relevant differences. 


2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (S1) ◽  
pp. 199-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karena Shaw

We find ourselves amidst an explosion of literature about how our worlds are being fundamentally changed (or not) through processes that have come to be clumped under the vague title of ‘globalisation’. As we wander our way through this literature, we might find ourselves – with others – feeling perplexed and anxious about the loss of a clear sense of what politics is, where it happens, what it is about, and what we need to know to understand and engage in it. This in turn leads many of us to contribute to a slightly smaller literature, such as this Special Issue, seeking to theorise how the space and character of politics might be changing, and how we might adapt our research strategies to accommodate these changes and maintain the confidence that we, and the disciplines we contribute to, still have relevant things to say about international politics. While this is not a difficult thing to claim, and it is not difficult to find others to reassure us that it is true, I want to suggest here that it is worth lingering a little longer in our anxiety than might be comfortable. I suggest this because it seems to me that there is, or at least should be, more on the table than we're yet grappling with. In particular, I argue here that any attempt to theorise the political today needs to take into account not only that the character and space of politics are changing, but that the way we study or theorise it – not only the subjects of our study but the very kind of knowledge we produce, and for whom – may need to change as well. As many others have argued, the project of progressive politics these days is not especially clear. It no longer seems safe to assume, for example, that the capture of the state or the establishment of benign forms of global governance should be our primary object. However, just as the project of progressive politics is in question, so is the role of knowledge, and knowledge production, under contemporary circumstances. I think there are possibilities embedded in explicitly engaging these questions together that are far from realisation. There are also serious dangers in trying to separate them, or assume the one while engaging the other, however ‘obvious’ the answers to one or the other may appear to be. Simultaneous with theorising the political ‘out there’ in the international must be an engagement with the politics of theorising ‘in here,’ in academic contexts. My project here is to explore how this challenge might be taken up in the contemporary study of politics, particularly in relation to emerging forms of political practice, such as those developed by activists in a variety of contexts. My argument is for an approach to theorising the political that shifts the disciplinary assumptions about for what purpose and for whom we should we produce knowledge in contemporary times, through an emphasis on the strategic knowledges produced through political practice. Such an approach would potentially provide us with understandings of contemporary political institutions and practices that are both more incisive and more enabling than can be produced through more familiarly disciplined approaches.


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