Whose knowledge for what politics?

2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (S1) ◽  
pp. 199-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karena Shaw

We find ourselves amidst an explosion of literature about how our worlds are being fundamentally changed (or not) through processes that have come to be clumped under the vague title of ‘globalisation’. As we wander our way through this literature, we might find ourselves – with others – feeling perplexed and anxious about the loss of a clear sense of what politics is, where it happens, what it is about, and what we need to know to understand and engage in it. This in turn leads many of us to contribute to a slightly smaller literature, such as this Special Issue, seeking to theorise how the space and character of politics might be changing, and how we might adapt our research strategies to accommodate these changes and maintain the confidence that we, and the disciplines we contribute to, still have relevant things to say about international politics. While this is not a difficult thing to claim, and it is not difficult to find others to reassure us that it is true, I want to suggest here that it is worth lingering a little longer in our anxiety than might be comfortable. I suggest this because it seems to me that there is, or at least should be, more on the table than we're yet grappling with. In particular, I argue here that any attempt to theorise the political today needs to take into account not only that the character and space of politics are changing, but that the way we study or theorise it – not only the subjects of our study but the very kind of knowledge we produce, and for whom – may need to change as well. As many others have argued, the project of progressive politics these days is not especially clear. It no longer seems safe to assume, for example, that the capture of the state or the establishment of benign forms of global governance should be our primary object. However, just as the project of progressive politics is in question, so is the role of knowledge, and knowledge production, under contemporary circumstances. I think there are possibilities embedded in explicitly engaging these questions together that are far from realisation. There are also serious dangers in trying to separate them, or assume the one while engaging the other, however ‘obvious’ the answers to one or the other may appear to be. Simultaneous with theorising the political ‘out there’ in the international must be an engagement with the politics of theorising ‘in here,’ in academic contexts. My project here is to explore how this challenge might be taken up in the contemporary study of politics, particularly in relation to emerging forms of political practice, such as those developed by activists in a variety of contexts. My argument is for an approach to theorising the political that shifts the disciplinary assumptions about for what purpose and for whom we should we produce knowledge in contemporary times, through an emphasis on the strategic knowledges produced through political practice. Such an approach would potentially provide us with understandings of contemporary political institutions and practices that are both more incisive and more enabling than can be produced through more familiarly disciplined approaches.

Author(s):  
Paolo Desideri

This chapter discusses first the general cosmological principles which lie behind Plutarch’s historiographical work, such as can be recovered through significant passages of his Delphic Dialogues. Second, it investigates the reasons why Plutarch wrote biographies, and more specifically parallel biographies, instead of outright histories: in this way, Plutarch aimed to emphasize, on the one hand, the dominant role of individual personalities in the political world of his own time, and, on the other hand, the mutual and exclusive relevance of Greece and Rome in the history of human culture. Third, the chapter seeks to connect the rise-and-fall pattern, typical of biography, with the general rise-and-fall pattern which Plutarch recognizes both in the Greek and in the Roman civilizations; through that connection one can rule out the idea that Plutarch had any providential view of history. Finally, some reflections are offered on Nietzsche’s special interest in Plutarch’s biographies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 76-90
Author(s):  
Maria A. Elizarieva ◽  
Marina A. Chigasheva ◽  
Boris Blahak ◽  
Maria Yu. Mikhina

The article is devoted to the role of intertext in public speeches of politicians of the Christian Social Union in Bavaria within the framework of the “political ash Wednesday”. On the example of the speeches of M. Söder, A. Scheuer and M. Blume in 2018, the relationship between the type of intertext and its pretext, on the one hand, and the speaker’s intention, on the other, was analyzed. As a result of the analysis of 23 intertextual inclusions, four intentions were revealed, among which (48 %) criticism of political opponents (SDPG, “The Greens”, AfD, “Free Voters”) prevails. Quotes from representatives of these parties, political slogans, a paraphrase of the name of the eco-movement and a quote from an artist are used to express it. As the intertextual analysis showed, to verbalize the second intention (appeal to authoritative opinion and emphasize the continuity of the party course), the former chairman of the CSU F. J. Strauss is cited, while the third intention (opposing Bavaria to the rest of Germany) is implemented using a quote from the Bavarian anthem, a paraphrase of a television commercial and quotations from a literary work. In addition, the authors found that the fourth intention (emphasizing the dialogic nature of communication with ordinary people) is found only in M. Söder’s speech in the form of a retelling of his dialogues with ordinary citizens.


2006 ◽  
Vol 05 (01) ◽  
pp. C01
Author(s):  
Yuri Castelfranchi ◽  
Nico Pitrelli

Do we have to drag in the thought of Michel Foucault to show the political (and not neutral), partial and local (and not universal and non-historic), active (and not merely transmissive) face of science communication? Do we need the work of the controversial French intellectual to dispute the anxious search – almost a quest like that for the Holy Grail – for the “best practices” in the dissemination of scientific culture? If we read over the pages that Foucault dedicated to words and things, to the archaeology and genealogy of knowledge, to biopolitics, we have few doubts. Two elements, on the one hand the central nature of discourse and “regimes of truth”, on the other the concept of biopower (a “power over bodies”), enable us to reflect both on the important specific features of modern science in comparison with other forms of production and organisation of knowledge, and on the central role of its communication.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Neliana Rodean

Abstract In Romania, a semi-presidential system characterized by an exaltation of the powers of the President of the Republic, there would be critical observations to be reported in relation to this institution. More precisely, it refers to the constitutional provisions which weaken the President among the political institutions and could also lead to different interpretations. First of all, the paper examines the President as popularly elected body but that does not reflect fully the will of the nation. Secondly, its oath violated the freedom of religion and if the wording will not be changed, will continue to constitute a discrimination against other non Orthodox President that could be elected. Moreover, the Romanian legal system is characterized by an independence of the President in its relationship with the Parliament but on the one hand, that does not mean that the President is more powerful in the event of dissolution of the Parliament and the other hand, the Parliament is completely independent in determining its competences in relations with the office of the Presidency.


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This chapter analyses power relations in the countryside, focusing on the relationships between the lords of the castle and the dependent peasants. The aim is twofold: on the one hand, to highlight the absence of a shared political culture and, on the other, to describe the individual ideas of each social group (the culture of violence promulgated by the lords, the attempt to establish pacts on the part of the peasants, the role of conflict in implementing political ties, etc.). In the face of such divergence, the chapter investigates the ways in which opposing political cultures could coexist and interact.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos A. M. Gouveia

Following the Systemic Functional Linguistics based theory and methodology of Positive Discourse Analysis, this paper discusses some of the political, cultural and educational propositions motivating the Council of Europe’s document Common European Framework of Reference for Languages. A close reading of the text clearly shows that while attempting to promote a plurilingual approach to the learning of languages in Europe, the document also calls for a change in teaching practices aiming at a transformation in the dynamics of language relations in Europe. Some of the issues focused upon in the paper derive directly from the document’s stated objectives, namely questions of levelling, standardization, democracy and hegemony, on the one hand, and questions of plurality, independence, empowerment and difference, on the other.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 248
Author(s):  
José Pedro Pontes ◽  
Joana Pais

In this paper, we establish a two-way causality between the phenomenon of infrastructure which is underused (the so-called “white elephant case”) and the aggregate productivity level (TFP) of the economy. On the one hand, the fact that a transport infrastructure is not used as much as it could be is itself a cause of low TFP because it represents low productivity for an important item of social capital. On the other hand, low aggregate productivity makes firms’ strategies founded on large scale of production and exports riskier, given the possibility that the political decision to build the required transport infrastructure may never be taken.


1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Kechichian

Islam's influence on political values and, as a result on the political behavior of the Muslim state, has traditionally been analyzed in terms of two general categories. These categories were the purely religious and the purely temporal, which in turn identified the interests of theological beliefs and transcendentally fixed ethical duties on the one hand and the interests of ruling dynasties, military and financial affairs on the other. The influence pattern, however, is more complex than the one suggested by the traditional approach.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-119
Author(s):  
Ahmad Habibur Rohman

Abstract: This paper discusses about the role of KH Abdul Ghofur within the general election in 2014 in Paciran-Lamongan. KH Abdul Ghofur was the one behind the winning effort of Gerindra party in Paciran. From the results of recapitulation of votes of the party in the general election in 2014, the Gerindra party got a very significant vote when compared with the number of votes in the general election in 2009. On the other hands, he was also the one behind one of legislative members of DPRD of Lamongan. Based on this, it can be concluded that the political role of KH Abdul Ghofur can be regarded as a very successful role in the winning effort of Gerindra party in Paciran. Therefore, the political role of the clerics cannot be disputed by the political elite and society in general. They can be used as a political role of the party either religion-based party or nationalist –based party or even abangan-based party.Keywords: Role, cleric, victory, Gerindra, general election.


Diogenes ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatyana Batuleva ◽  

The article examines the main emphasis in the evolution of the concept of care. It, on the one hand, builds a different ethics (C. Gilligan) and, on the other, is an attempt to justify a new political philosophy (J. Tronto) and new forms of solidarity arising from the understanding of vulnerability as universally shared situation. Particular attention has been paid to the French ethical voices – Sandra Logier and Patricia Paperman, who contribute to the enrichment of care readings: it is a leading relational ethic and political weapon that valorizes all that remains beyond the reach of ethics of justice. Possible political projections range it between the reduction of the feminist charge of the concept in case of over-reduction in favor of a particular political context (J.-M. Chahsiche) and the promising future of this “holistic” concept, bearing resources to enrich the political (S. Logier). Further arguments in favor of ethics of care have been sought in Hunyadi’s theory of the role of context as a combination of factuality and counter-factuality, and the opportunity for ethics of care to formulate its own normativity (St. Collins). The ethics of care is a contribution to feminist theories of difference and an example of a moderate deconstructionist approach: it practically realizes the calls of the deconstruction to “retain aporia” (Fr. Laruelle), but without reaching its possible extremes.


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