Xenophon and Sophaenetus

1929 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-40
Author(s):  
A. Gwynn
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Ancient History ◽  
Proper Place ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Town

The fifth book of Xenophon's Anabasis presents a puzzle which Mr. Tarn has not discussed in his most stimulating chapter on the ‘Ten Thousand’ in the Cambridge Ancient History. Xenophon is telling the story of the retreat along the shore of the Black Sea. At Cotyora, at Xenophon's own suggestion (so he tells us) a general кαθαρμός was held by the survivors. For some time past the troops had been beginning to get badly out of hand. There had been a particularly disgraceful scene at Cerasus, which they had left a week before their arrival at Cotyora. Certain local tribes of the Colchi had sent ambassadors to the Greek army, which was actually leaving the town at the moment of their arrival. Most of the troops were already outside the walls; but some stragglers who were still within the town stoned the ambassadors to death, and a general riot ensued. Now, not a word of this story is told by Xenophon in its proper place in the narrative (V. 4, 1), where we are simply told that the Greeks left Cerasus, some by sea and seme by land. The whole story is told later in great detail, and in a curious form: as a digression which Xenophon makes in a speech immediately preceding the court of enquiry at Cotyora.

Thalatta, Thalatta: Xenophon's view of the Black Sea

2000 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 127-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Mitford
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Ancient World ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Greek City ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Moment

The moment when the Ten Thousand sighted the Euxine is one of the most haunting scenes to come down to us from the ancient world. Retreating from Cunaxa near Babylon in 401 BC, Xenophon describes how the Greeks fought their way northwards across Kurdistan to scale the Pontic mountains, and reached the sea at the Greek city of Trapezus, already more than two centuries old. By linking Xenophon's famous account with Hadrian's inspection of his eastern frontier, their route across the mountains, and their triumphant viewpoint, can be determined with some certainty.About 120 miles before the Greeks reached the Black Sea, the ruler of a large and prosperous city called Gymnias, probably the modern Bayburt, sent a guide to Xenophon.

scholarly journals Small red scorpionfish Scorpaena notata Rafinesque, 1810 (Actinopterygii: Scorpaenidae) - an unknown species for the Bulgarian Black Sea coast

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (8) ◽  
pp. 55-58
Author(s):  
Tihomir Stefanov
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Adult Specimen ◽  
First Finding ◽  
Unknown Species ◽  
Black Sea Coast ◽  
Scorpaena Notata ◽  
The Town ◽  
Scorpaena Porcus ◽  
Sea Coast

One adult specimen of small red scorpionfish Scorpaena notata Rafinesque, 1810 was found in the ichthyological collections of the National Museum of Natural History in Sofia, Bulgaria. The specimen has been caught on 12 May 1926 in Black Sea near the town of Burgas and labelled as Scorpaena porcus. This is the first finding of the species along the Bulgarian Black Sea coast and the oldest record in the Black Sea.

scholarly journals Les Karaïmes de Crimée : communauté et exil

Slovo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol The autobiographical... (Windows on Europe>) ◽  
Author(s):  
Blandine Guyot
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
International Audience ◽  
The Moment

International audience Two tales are being proposed, whose authors, Avraam Kouchoul and Jacques Kefeli, were Crimean Karaims. They had combated in the White Army and emigrated to France in the 20ties, following the events of the Russian revolution. In his tale « Prayer »[Molitva], written in 1930 and published in Russian in France in the review Russkaâ Mysl’ n° 45 (4820), November 26, 2010, Avraam Kouchoul describes the moment of exile in November 1920, his departure from the port of Sebastopol, Crimea and his crossing of the Black Sea on a ship towards Constantinople. In the tale « The Wise Hakim Isak, ancient legend of Crimea » [Mudreč Hakim Isak, drevnaja krymskaja byl’], published in Russian in the emigration review Vozroždenie N° 47, Paris, 1955, the story takes place in the period of the Crimean Khanat, around Bakhtchisaraj palace and Choufout Kale fortress. The Khan and his favorite spouse are in love with each other, but are threatened by divorce in spite of themselves. A Karaim doctor, Hakim Isak, renamed for his wisdom, is called to Court to try and solve this drama. The author, Jacques Kefeli, dedicates the second part of his tale to the descendants of the legend’s figures, his contemporaries in emigration in France. Dans cet article sont présentés deux récits dont les auteurs, Avraam Kouchoul et Jacques Kefeli, étaient Karaïmes de Crimée. Ils avaient combattudans l’Armée blanche et émigrèrent en France, dans les années 1920, à la suite des événements de la révolution russe. Dans son récit « Prière » [Molitva], écrit en 1930, et publié en russe en France dans le journal Russkaâ Mysl’ n° 45 (4820), le 26 novembre 2010, AvraamKouchoul relate le moment de l’exil en novembre 1920, au départ du port de Sébastopol, en Crimée, et sa traversée en bateau sur la mer Noire en route vers Constantinople. Dans le récit « Le Sage Hakim Isak, légende ancienne de Crimée » [Mudreč Hakim Isak, drevnaja krymskaja byl’], publié en russe dans la revue d’émigration Vozroždenie n° 47, Paris, 1955, l’histoire se passe dans la période du Khanat de Crimée, autour du palais de Bakhtchisaraï et de la forteresse de Tchoufout Kalé. Le Khan et son épouse favorite s’aiment d’un amour partagé, mais l’ombre d’une séparation plane sur leur couple. Un médecin karaïme, Hakim Isak, renommé pour sa sagesse, est appelé à la Cour pour tenter de dénouer ce drame. L’auteur, Jacque Kefeli, consacre la seconde partie de son récit aux descendants des personnages de la légende, sescontemporains dans l’émigration en France. Мы представляем два рассказа, их авторы крымские Караимы Авраам Кушуль и Яков Кефели. Они воевали в Добровольческой армиии эмигрировали во Францию в 1920 годах в связи с событиями русской революции. В своем рассказе «Молитва», написанном в 1930 г., и опубликованном на русском языке во Франции в журнале Русская Мысль, № 45 (4820), 26 Ноября 2010 г., Авраам Кушуль описывает момент исхода в ноябре 1920, с отправлением из порта Севастополя в Крыму и пересечение Чёрного моря по пути в Константинополь. Рассказ «Мудрец Хаким Исак, древная крымская быль» также вышел на русском языке в Париже, в журнале русской эмиграции Возрождение, № 47, в 1955, начинается с событий, происхдящих во время крымского каганата, вокруг дворца в Бахчисарае и крепости Чуфут-Кале. Хан со своей любимой женой любят друг друга, но их счасъе вдруг подставлено под угрозой. Караимский доктор Хаким Исак, известный своей мудростью, был вызван ко двору хана,, чтобы помочь разрешить эту проблему. Автор посвящает вторую часть рассказа потомкам персонажей легенды, своим современникам, находящимся в эмиграции во Франции.

the claim that if anything of the sort had occurred I would have brought a plea in bar of action against him, but that I should come to court with this plea and demonstrate to you both that I have done this man no wrong and that his prosecution of me is illegal. [2] If Pantainetos had suffered any of the wrongs of which he is now complaining, he would clearly have brought a suit at once during the period when our business dealings took place, since these suits are monthly and we were both in town, and when all mankind are in the habit of showing their indignation right at the moment of their wrongs rather than after a delay. Since he has suffered no wrong – as you too will (I’m sure) affirm when you hear what happened – but is plaguing me from the confidence aroused by his success in the suit against Euergos, the only course left for me is to prove in your court, judges, that I am not in any way guilty and provide witness for my statements in an attempt to save myself. [3] My request to all of you will be modest and fair: to hear me with goodwill on the issue of my barring plea and to pay attention to the whole of my case. For though many suits have taken place in the city, I think it will be found that no-one has brought a suit more shameless or more unscrupulous than the one he has dared to lodge and bring to court. I shall give you as brief an account as I am able of all our dealings from the beginning. [4] Euergos and I loaned one hundred and five mnai to Pantainetos here, judges, on the security of a processing plant among the mine workings at Maroneia and thirty slaves. Forty-five mnai of the loan were mine, while one talent belonged to Euergos. As it happened, Pantainetos owed a talent to Mnesikles of Kollytos and forty-five mnai to Phileas of Eleusis and Pleistor. [5] The individual who sold the processing plant and the slaves to us was Mnesikles (he was the one who had bought the property for Pantainetos from Telemachos, its former owner), and Pantainetos leased it from us for the interest accruing on the money, one hundred and five drachmas per month. We made a contract in which were written the terms of the lease and a right for Pantainetos to redeem the property from us within a stated time. [6] Once this had been completed in the month of Elaphebolion in the archonship of Theophilos, I sailed off to the Black Sea, while this man and Euergos were here. As to their dealings with each other while I was away, I could not say. For their versions do not agree with each other, nor does Pantainetos’ version always agree with itself. Sometimes he says he was evicted

2002 ◽  
pp. 173-187
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Processing Plant ◽  
Mine Workings ◽  
Stated Time ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The City

Pleistocene carbonates from Dobrogea (E Romania) and their relationship with Black Sea level fluctuations

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virgil Dragusin ◽  
Silviu Constantin ◽  
Vasile Ersek ◽  
Dirk L. Hoffmann ◽  
Alex Hotchkies
Keyword(s):  
Isotopic Composition ◽  
Sea Level ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Underground Water ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Sampling Area ◽  
Sea Level Fluctuations ◽  
Water Tables ◽  
Carbonate Deposition ◽  
The Town

<p>The eastern part of Romania, bordering on the Black Sea, is generally poor in speleothems and only Piatra Cave has important speleothem occurrences. This cave is positioned close to the present-day shoreline, forcing the local aquifer to completely flood it when it rose synchronously with sea level. The flooding of the cave prevented speleothem formation. Conversely, sub-aerial carbonate deposition took place when the sea level was lower than today and the cave was dry. The study of speleothems from Piatra Cave could bring more insight on past Black Sea level fluctuations, as well as on the isotopic composition of percolating water.</p><p>Some 50 km to the south of Piatra Cave, around the town of Mangalia, botryoidal calcite has been deposited inside small voids formed between Sarmatian limestone beds. Such calcite formations are considered to form close to the water table, at the contact with the underground atmosphere. If so, they could be used to track the position of past water tables, as well as the isotopic composition of those waters. Moreover, as these samples are found only close to the present-day shoreline, they might have been deposited from underground water whose level was directly controlled by the sea.</p><p>Here we present the results of δ<sup>18</sup>O and δ<sup>13</sup>C measurements on 75 samples and sub-samples of botryoidal calcite. We explore the implications of their isotopic variability, by comparison with speleothems from Piatra Cave as well as to other speleothems from Romania. Moreover, we explore their isotopic variability across the sampling area, in order to better assess their possible use as sea level markers.</p>

The View through the Russian Prism, 1760–1805

The Great Sea ◽  
2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Abulafia
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Free Access ◽  
Persian Empire ◽  
Naval Stores ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
One Year ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Baltic

The increasing debility of the Ottoman Empire brought the Mediterranean to the attention of the Russian tsars. From the end of the seventeenth century Russian power spread southwards towards the Sea of Azov and the Caucasus. Peter the Great sliced away at the Persian empire, and the Ottomans, who ruled the Crimea, felt threatened. For the moment, the Russians were distracted by conflict with the Swedes for dominion over the Baltic, but Peter sought free access to the Black Sea as well. These schemes had the flavour of the old Russia Peter had sought to reform, just as much as they had the flavour of the new technocratic Russia he had sought to create. The idea that the tsar was the religious and even political heir to the Byzantine emperor – that Muscovy was the ‘Third Rome’ – had not been swept aside when Peter established his new capital on the Baltic, at St Petersburg. Equally, the Russians could now boast hundreds of vessels capable of challenging Turkish pretensions in the Black Sea, even if they were far from capable of mounting a full naval war, and the ships themselves were badly constructed, notwithstanding Peter the Great’s famous journey to inspect the shipyards of western Europe, under the alias Pyotr Mikhailovich. In sum, this was a fleet that was ‘poor in discipline, training, and morale, unskilful in manoeuvre, and badly administered and equipped’; a contemporary remarked that ‘nothing has been under worse management than the Russian navy’, for the imperial naval stores had run out of hemp, tar and nails. The Russians began to hire Scottish admirals in an attempt to create a modern command structure, and they turned to Britain for naval stores; this relationship was further bolstered by the intense trading relationship between Britain and Russia, which had continued to flourish throughout the eighteenth century while England’s Levant trade withered: in the last third of the eighteenth century a maximum of twenty-seven British ships sailed to the Levant in any one year, while as many as 700 headed for Russia.

scholarly journals The problem of the alkalinity degree diagnostics in the soils of the northwest of the Black sea region

2017 ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Bibik ◽  
Hryhorii Moroz ◽  
Vitalii Kyrylenko ◽  
Artem Kuzmenko
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Final Diagnosis ◽  
Integral Approach ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Sodic Soils ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Moment

According to the results of the study of soils in the Northwest of the Black Sea region, it is determined that here, in the profile of vorony-calcic and calcic Chernozems, both residual and weak alkalinity are manifested. It was found out, nowadays, in the national soil science, there are no clear criteria for the selection of sodic soils and for the determination of their alkalinity degree. Furthermore, there is also the question of the differentiation of the actually sodic and residual-sodic soils. It has been established that on the territory of the Northwest of the Black Sea region polygenetic soils – vorony-calcic and calcic Chernozems weakly and residual-sodic were formed and the diagnostics of their classification and taxonomic position for the moment is rather ambiguous. The diagnostic of the alkalinity degree of vorony-calcic and calcic Chernozems in the Northwest of the Black Sea region was carried out in four methodological approaches. It was established, that it is impossible to carry out precise and unambiguous diagnostics of the alkalinity degree of soils of the territory of the study according to existing methods. Thus, the sodic and residual-sodic soils, according to classification of 1977, are almost entirely positioned as weakly sodic in accordance with the “Field determinant of soils”. In turn, taking into account the Novikova approach, the status of these same soils varies from non-sodic to solonetzes according to the degree of illuviation, the final diagnosis of which, however, contradicts the low content of exchangeable sodium. An integral approach to the determination of the alkalinity degree of soils is proposed, which is based on the chronological features of the course and direction of the sodification process. According to this approach, if the alkalinity of the studied soils is relict, its degree should be diagnosed by the illuviation of silt and by the content of exchange Na+ (Ni> 8 %, Na+<3 % – residual-sodic soils, Ni> 8 %, Na+ ≥ 3 % –sodic soils).In turn, in the case of the modern alkalinity, its degree should be determined by the ratio Ca2+/Mg2+ (<4,8) and by the content of the exchangeable Na+ (<3 % – residual-sodic soils, and ≥3 % – sodic soils). Key words: Chernozems, the alkalinity degree, diagnostic, steppe, the Northwest of the Black Sea region.

6. Exile poetry

2020 ◽  
pp. 96-111
Author(s):  
Llewelyn Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Personal Account ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Main Development ◽  
Epistulae Ex Ponto ◽  
The Town ◽  
Letter Format

In 8/9 CE Ovid was sent by the emperor Augustus to the town of Tomi in modern Romania, at the time at the far edge of the Roman Empire. 'Exile poetry' focuses on the Tristia (Sad Songs) and the Epistulae ex Ponto (Letters from the Black Sea), in total nine books of laments in which Ovid begs to be restored to Rome, or at least to be moved to a more congenial location. The main development between Tristia and ExPonto is Ovid's formal adoption in the later series of a letter format natural to poems sent over a long distance. The circumstances of this poetry, and particularly the identification of the addressee in the Ex Ponto, allows a degree of poignancy rare elsewhere is his poetry. Certainly, for all his claims to the contrary, Ovid’s poetic powers do not abandon him on the Black Sea, and what has made Ovid's exile poetry one of the most influential parts of his oeuvre is the rarity of a classical poet offering an intimately personal account of estrangement and alienation. In turn, these poems provided perhaps unexpected inspiration for modern writers exercised by themes of separation.

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