scholarly journals Engendering Democracy

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-387
Author(s):  
Valentine Moghadam
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Working Women ◽  
Youth Unemployment ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
East European ◽  
New Institutions

The year 2011 will forever be known as the year of mass protests for regime change and democratization in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Opinions on causes and outcomes have focused on the role of young people, the demands of “the Arab street,” and the possible transition to a liberal, Islamist, or coalition type of governance. Middle East specialists have long been aware of the problems of authoritarian regimes, widening inequalities, high rates of youth unemployment, deteriorating infrastructure and public services, and rising prices attenuated only by subsidies. But something has been missing from recent discussions and analyses. Let us pose it in the form of a number of (socialist-feminist) questions. We have seen that “the Arab street” is not exclusively masculine, but what kind of democratic governance can women's rights groups expect? To what extent will Tunisian women shape the democratic transition and the building of new institutions? In Egypt, will an outcome be—to use a phrase coined by East European feminists in the early 1990s—a “male democracy”? How can a democratic transition benefit working women and the poor?

Towards a Paradigm Shift in Higher Education in the MENA Region

2014 ◽  
pp. 8-30
Author(s):  
Hayat Al-Khatib
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Human Resources ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Youth Unemployment ◽  
University Graduates ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
The World ◽  
Knowledge And Technology Transfer

Higher education in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has not been able to deliver the needed knowledge and technology transfer to generate productivity and innovation in this part of the world (Arab Economic and Social Summit, 2009; Thomson and Reuters, 2007). Youth unemployment in the MENA region remains the highest in the world, with the Middle East rating 21% and North Africa rating 25%, out of whom one-third are university graduates (World Bank, 2013). The chapter aims to address issues pertaining to the need to shift perspective in higher education in the MENA region, in the light of its growing importance as a developing entity with natural and human resources. The chapter identifies the role of higher education, in policies and practice, in addressing the needs of the region and transforming its resources, human and physical, to further its economic development.

23. The Middle East and North Africa

2018 ◽  
pp. 364-383
Author(s):  
Francesco Cavatorta
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Society Business ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Face ◽  
Democratic Failure ◽  
Institutional Challenges

This chapter examines why democratic openings failed to consolidate in the Middle East and North Africa despite the profound influence of the global wave of democratization on both regions. Authoritarianism persists in the region comprising the Middle East and North Africa. Nevertheless, countries in the region experienced changes since the consolidation of authoritarian rule soon after decolonization. The chapter considers a number of explanations for the durability of authoritarian rule in the Middle East and North Africa in the face of both domestic and international pressures for democratic governance. In particular, it discusses the role of Islamist political actors and Israel. It also looks at the region’s political culture and society, business and economy, and agents of democratization and democratic failure. Finally, it describes institutional challenges for the region’s chances to become more democratic.

21. The Middle East and North Africa

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Cavatorta
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Society Business ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Face ◽  
Democratic Failure ◽  
Institutional Challenges

This chapter examines why democratic openings failed to consolidate in the Middle East and North Africa despite the profound influence of the global wave of democratization on both regions. Authoritarianism persists in the region comprising the Middle East and North Africa. Nevertheless, countries in the region experienced changes since the consolidation of authoritarian rule soon after decolonization. The chapter considers a number of explanations for the durability of authoritarian rule in the Middle East and North Africa in the face of both domestic and international pressures for democratic governance. In particular, it discusses the role of Islamist political actors and Israel. It also looks at the region’s political culture and society, business and economy, and agents of democratization and democratic failure. Finally, it describes institutional challenges for the region’s chances to become more democratic.

Events in Northern Africa and Middle East: Causes and Consequences

2011 ◽  
pp. 11-25
Author(s):  
I. Labinskaya
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Northern Africa ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Oriental Studies

Political developments in North Africa and the Middle East that have begun in January 2011 are gaining strength and involve an increasing number of Arab countries. The participants of the Roundtable – experts from IMEMO, Institute of Oriental Studies (RAS), Institute of the USA and Canada (RAS) and Mrs. E. Suponina from “Moscow News” newspaper analyzed a wide range of issues associated with these events. Among them are: 1) the reasons for such a large-scale explosion, 2) the nature of the discussed developments (revolutions, riots?) and who are the subjects of the current “Arab drama”, 3) the role of Islam and political Islamism, 4) the role of external factors.

China and the Revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 192-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Peerenboom
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Northern Africa ◽  
Mena Countries ◽  
Turn On ◽  
Potential Sources ◽  
The Government

The 2011 revolutions in the Middle East and Northern Africa (MENA) led to considerable hope for some people that China would experience a similar political uprising, as well as considerable anxiety for the ruling regime. The government’s immediate response was to downplay the risk of a similar event occurring in China by distinguishing between China and MENA, while at the same time cracking down on activists and other potential sources of instability—including attempts to organize popular revolutionary protests in China. Although the government has so far managed to avoid a similar uprising, neither response has been entirely successful. Despite a number of significant diff erences between China and MENA countries, there are enough commonalities to justify concerns about political instability. Moreover, relying on repression alone is not a long-term solution to the justified demands of Chinese citizens for political reforms and social justice. Whether China will ultimately be able to avoid the fate of authoritarian regimes in MENA countries will turn on its ability to overcome a series of structural challenges while preventing sudden and unpredictable events, like those that gave rise to the Arab revolutions, from spinning out of control.

scholarly journals Diet, Genetics, and Disease: A Focus on the Middle East and North Africa Region

2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akl C. Fahed ◽  
Abdul-Karim M. El-Hage-Sleiman ◽  
Theresa I. Farhat ◽  
Georges M. Nemer
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Chronic Diseases ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Genetic Factors ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Micronutrient Deficiencies ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
Mena Countries ◽  
Nutritional Genomics

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region suffers a drastic change from a traditional diet to an industrialized diet. This has led to an unparalleled increase in the prevalence of chronic diseases. This review discusses the role of nutritional genomics, or the dietary signature, in these dietary and disease changes in the MENA. The diet-genetics-disease relation is discussed in detail. Selected disease categories in the MENA are discussed starting with a review of their epidemiology in the different MENA countries, followed by an examination of the known genetic factors that have been reported in the disease discussed, whether inside or outside the MENA. Several diet-genetics-disease relationships in the MENA may be contributing to the increased prevalence of civilization disorders of metabolism and micronutrient deficiencies. Future research in the field of nutritional genomics in the MENA is needed to better define these relationships.

scholarly journals State Fragility, Social Contracts and the Role of Social Protection: Perspectives from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Region

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 447
Author(s):  
Markus Loewe ◽  
Tina Zintl
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Information Campaign ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
State Fragility ◽  
Social Contracts ◽  
Government Provision ◽  
Two Sides

Social contracts and state fragility represent two sides of one coin. The former concept highlights that governments need to deliver three “Ps”—protection, provision, and political participation—to be acceptable for societies, whereas the latter argues that states can fail due to lack of authority (inhibiting protection), capacity (inhibiting provision), or legitimacy. Defunct social contracts often lead to popular unrest. Using empirical evidence from the Middle East and North Africa, we demonstrate how different notions of state fragility lead to different kinds of grievances and how they can be remedied by measures of social protection. Social protection is always a key element of government provision and hence a cornerstone of all social contracts. It can most easily counteract grievances that were triggered by decreasing provision (e.g., after subsidy reforms in Iran and Morocco) but also partially substitute for deficient protection (e.g., by the Palestinian National Authority, in pre-2011 Yemen) or participation (information campaign accompanying Moroccan subsidy cut; participatory set-ups for cash-for-work programmes in Jordan). It can even help maintain a minimum of state–society relations in states defunct in all three Ps (e.g., Yemen). Hence, social protection can be a powerful instrument to reduce state fragility and mend social contracts. Yet, to be effective, it needs to address grievances in an inclusive, rule-based, and non-discriminatory way. In addition, to gain legitimacy, governments should assume responsibility over social protection instead of outsourcing it to foreign donors.

The Emerging Role of Telestroke in the Middle East and North Africa Region in the Era of COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizwana Shahid ◽  
Hosam M. Al-Jehani ◽  
Azra Zafar ◽  
Maher Saqqur
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa

The Waning of ‘Secular’ Nationalism in Asia, the Middle East and North Africa

2018 ◽  
pp. 227-252
Author(s):  
Todd M. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Legal Reform ◽  
Iranian Revolution ◽  
Muslim Immigrants ◽  
Global Movement ◽  
Theologically Conservative

This chapter explains the gradual dissolution of the transnational movement for reform that Anderson tried to foster amidst the rise of liberal and Islamist approaches to legal reform by considering Anderson’s students and his response to the Iranian Revolution. It considers Anderson’s approach to religion and legal reform in Britain as well as the increasingly visible presence of Muslim immigrants and concludes with his reflections on the role of Islam in Iran’s revolution. Following the Iranian Revolution, Anderson began to grow more and more concerned about the influence of theologically conservative but militant forms of Islam on the global movement of legal reform and on global conflict. However, this did not affect his continued belief in the ‘moderate’ approach to Islamic legal reform he had supported for over thirty years.

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