scholarly journals The Guesdists and the Small Farmer: Early Erosion of French Marxism

1961 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 212-225
Author(s):  
Carl Landauer
Keyword(s):  
Labor Unions ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
Small Farmer ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
First World

The internal conflicts of the socialist movement before 1914 grew out of the antagonism between orthodox Marxists and reformist Socialists, or were at least closely related to that antagonism, as for instance the conflict between the labor unions and the party leadership in Germany in 1905–6. This running battle of pre-war days, which set the scene for the splitting of the movement during the first World War, reached its most spectacular expression in Germany in Bebel's attack on the Revisionists at the Dresden party convention of 1903. But the conflict unfolded first in France, and it was in France rather than in Germany that the fundamental issues were posited most clearly. In 1882, nine years before Georg von Vollmar in his “Eldorado” addresses in Munich started the revolt of the German Revisionists and fourteen years before Eduard Bernstein in his “Evolutionary Socialism” published the first comprehensive exposition of Revisionist ideas, Paul Brousse broke with the Marxist leaders, Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue, whom he forced out of the Fédération des travailleurs socialistes de France, thus transforming the latter into a Possibilist party, whereas the expelled Marxists formed the Parti ouvrier. Even the debates at Dresden – and subsequently at the International Socialist Congress at Amsterdam – developed from a French issue – namely, the acceptance of a position in a liberal cabinet by the French reformist, Alexandre Millerand.

ENGLISH LABOUR AND TRADE UNIONISM OF THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY IN THE COVERAGE OF THE BRITISH HISTORIAN G. D. H. COLE

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
T.N. GELLA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Trade Unionism ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The First World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
First World

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the views of a famous British historian G.D.G. Cole on the history of the British workers' and UK socialist movement in the early twentieth century. The arti-cle focuses on the historian's assessment and the reasons for the workers' strike movement intensi-fication on the eve of the First World War, the specifics of such trends as labourism, trade unionism and syndicalism.

Marcel Sembat and the Daily Life of Socialism

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Wright
Keyword(s):  
Daily Life ◽  
First World War ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Daily Experience ◽  
Wide Reading ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
First World

The concepts of ‘experience’ and ‘enthusiasm’ were set out by Marcel Sembat as ways of focusing intensely on the present and the nature of socialist party activity. Sembat had been close to the ‘Blanquist’ wing of the French socialist movement, with its emphasis on revolutionary rupture. But his wide reading and interest in psychology, sociology, and physiology led him to seek a present-minded focus for his socialist militancy, through his work in the eighteenth arrondissement and his long reflections in his private diary. His passionate enthusiasm for the life of the socialist party was also a visceral, daily experience of engagement, and the divides that shook the party in the First World War and with the split at the Congress of Tours in 1920 gravely affected him. This chapter assesses the present in the thought of an intellectual who was at the heart of Jaurès’ socialist party.

Lord Beaverbrook's Fabrications in Politicians and the War, 1914–1916

1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Fraser
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
First World War ◽  
Detailed Account ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
World War ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Commons ◽  
First World

In spite of occasional protests Lord Beaverbrook's narrative of British domestic politics during the first world war seems to retain the authority of a primary source. This is particularly true of the passages in Politicians and the war, 1914–1916 which cover the events in which he, then Sir Max Aitken, claimed to have taken an influential part. Mr A. J. P. Taylor in his appraisal of Beaverbrook's second volume covering the fall of Asquith in 1916 declares: ‘ It provides essential testimony for events during a great political crisis — perhaps the most detailed account of such a crisis ever written from the inside... The narrative is carried along by rare zest and wit, yet with the detached impartiality of the true scholar. ‘ Beaverbrook's apparent advantages might well seem conclusive. He was a contemporary agent as well as observer, summed up in his jaunty ‘ I was there!’. He was supposed to have enjoyed the complete confidence of Bonar Law, to have run a newspaper and to have kept a diary. An M.P. and virtual parliamentary private secretary to Bonar Law, whose rise to the Commons party leadership he appeared to have engineered, Aitken could be presumed to be politically on the ‘inside’. A tycoon of Canadian business ‘mergers’ and a self-made millionaire at a young age, he was esteemed by Law to be one of the cleverest men he knew.

The Failed Alliance: The Baltic Germans and the Belorusian Nationalists, 1914-1941

2019 ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Igor Barinov
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
North West ◽  
Russian Territory ◽  
The North ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
First World

Since the beginning of the occupation of the Russian territory during the First World War, the “discovering” of the Belarusians became a current task of the German authorities. The Baltic Germans, who traditionally considered themselves as elite for the local non-Russian and non-Polish communities, offered their assistance to the occupation forces. As experts, they strove to provide some kind of mediation to ensure the positive encounter of German authorities in the interaction with local communities. Nonetheless, this activity initially sought to preserve the higher status of Baltic Germans rather than to raise a similar one among Belarusians. After the end of the First World War, some politicians and intellectuals of Baltic German origin joined the National Socialist movement and tried to apply the old models to revive the old style of life on the north-west borders of the former Russian Empire. These ideological concepts became known as a “moderate” line of the Eastern policy of the Reich, opposed by the “radical” one formed by the very nature of the Nazi state. Pretending to be the ideologues of the German policy towards Belarus and the Belarusians, the Russian Germans did not understand the fact that the Belarusian nationalists, on the contrary, develop their agenda within the “radical line”.

The Russian Revolution and the Rumanian Socialist Movement,1917-1918

Slavic Review ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Hitchins
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
World War ◽  
The Carpathians ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
First World

The collapse of the Russian monarchy in February and the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917 confronted Rumanian leaders with the prospect of a violent change in their own country. Rumania’s participation in the First World War on the side of the Entente had by February 1917 resulted in a succession of military defeats and the occupation of two-thirds of the country, including Bucharest, by German and Austro-Hungarian forces. The court and most of the leading politicians had taken refuge in Iasi, the chief city of Moldavia, located only a few miles from the Russian border. A Russian army of about a million men and a reorganized Rumanian field army of some eighteen divisions manned a newly stabilized front which stretched from Bukovina in the north along the eastern slopes of the Carpathians to southern Moldavia

Mussolini's charisma

Modern Italy ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 3 (02) ◽  
pp. 219-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emilio Gentile
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Charismatic Leader ◽  
The Third ◽  
Personality Cult ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
First World ◽  
Formal Construction

SummaryMussolini was the prototype of twentieth-century charismatic dictators. His personal charisma antedated the founding of Fascism and the formal construction of collective charisma through the movement and the personality cult. First forged in the socialist movement, Mussolini's charisma assumed a new guise when he became a supporter of Italy's intervention in the First World War. He acquired an aura for the third time as Fascist leader. There were always tensions between the Duce and Fascism as the latter embodied the collective charisma of a movement. Nevertheless, Fascist ideology and culture incorporated the idea of the charismatic leader as a focus and source of authority on the model of the Catholic Church. Although it was difficult by the 1930s to distinguish between the believer's exaltation and courtly adulation, Mussolini exercised a personal charisma for many Fascists even after his death.

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