The Russian Revolution and the Rumanian Socialist Movement,1917-1918

Slavic Review ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Hitchins

The collapse of the Russian monarchy in February and the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917 confronted Rumanian leaders with the prospect of a violent change in their own country. Rumania’s participation in the First World War on the side of the Entente had by February 1917 resulted in a succession of military defeats and the occupation of two-thirds of the country, including Bucharest, by German and Austro-Hungarian forces. The court and most of the leading politicians had taken refuge in Iasi, the chief city of Moldavia, located only a few miles from the Russian border. A Russian army of about a million men and a reorganized Rumanian field army of some eighteen divisions manned a newly stabilized front which stretched from Bukovina in the north along the eastern slopes of the Carpathians to southern Moldavia

2019 ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Igor Barinov

Since the beginning of the occupation of the Russian territory during the First World War, the “discovering” of the Belarusians became a current task of the German authorities. The Baltic Germans, who traditionally considered themselves as elite for the local non-Russian and non-Polish communities, offered their assistance to the occupation forces. As experts, they strove to provide some kind of mediation to ensure the positive encounter of German authorities in the interaction with local communities. Nonetheless, this activity initially sought to preserve the higher status of Baltic Germans rather than to raise a similar one among Belarusians. After the end of the First World War, some politicians and intellectuals of Baltic German origin joined the National Socialist movement and tried to apply the old models to revive the old style of life on the north-west borders of the former Russian Empire. These ideological concepts became known as a “moderate” line of the Eastern policy of the Reich, opposed by the “radical” one formed by the very nature of the Nazi state. Pretending to be the ideologues of the German policy towards Belarus and the Belarusians, the Russian Germans did not understand the fact that the Belarusian nationalists, on the contrary, develop their agenda within the “radical line”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
T.N. GELLA ◽  

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the views of a famous British historian G.D.G. Cole on the history of the British workers' and UK socialist movement in the early twentieth century. The arti-cle focuses on the historian's assessment and the reasons for the workers' strike movement intensi-fication on the eve of the First World War, the specifics of such trends as labourism, trade unionism and syndicalism.


Author(s):  
Julian Wright

The concepts of ‘experience’ and ‘enthusiasm’ were set out by Marcel Sembat as ways of focusing intensely on the present and the nature of socialist party activity. Sembat had been close to the ‘Blanquist’ wing of the French socialist movement, with its emphasis on revolutionary rupture. But his wide reading and interest in psychology, sociology, and physiology led him to seek a present-minded focus for his socialist militancy, through his work in the eighteenth arrondissement and his long reflections in his private diary. His passionate enthusiasm for the life of the socialist party was also a visceral, daily experience of engagement, and the divides that shook the party in the First World War and with the split at the Congress of Tours in 1920 gravely affected him. This chapter assesses the present in the thought of an intellectual who was at the heart of Jaurès’ socialist party.


Author(s):  
Eleonora V. Starostenko

The activity of the Orthodox military clergy in the Russian army on the territory of Galicia during the First World War is considered. It was established that the religious situation in Galicia and the conduct of hostilities on the enemy’s territory had a great influence on the activities of military priests. The attitude of the protopresbyter of the military and naval clergy to the uniate question, the specificity of the interaction of military priests with the local population are shown. The features of the organisation and implementation of services are analysed. The work of priests to maintain a fighting spirit is considered. Cases of both conscientious and unacceptable attitude to the service was established.


2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Malcolm Saunders

Australians — not least of all historians and political scientists — have long wondered whether Queensland was any different from the other colonies/states. Some of the ways in which it differs from most of its southern sisters — such as its geographical size and decentralised population — have always been obvious. No less well known has been its pursuit of agrarian policies. For much of the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, governments of all political persuasions in Queensland preferred to develop primary rather than secondary industries, and consequently favoured rural rather than urban areas. An integral part of agrarianism was its emphasis on closer settlement — that is, breaking the pastoralists' (or squatters') hold over vast areas of land and making smaller and suitable plots of land available to men of limited means, people most often referred to almost romantically as ‘yeoman farmers’. Governments envisaged a colony or state whose economy was based less on huge industries concentrated in a few hands and situated in the cities than on a class of small-scale agriculturalists whose produce would not only feed the population but also be a principal source of wealth.


Author(s):  
Roger D. Markwick ◽  
Nicholas Doumanis

Europe was a continent of nation states by the mid-twentieth century. But it was not always thus. The patchwork quilt of nation states and the nationalism that coloured them in were forged by massive social and political shifts that had been gathering momentum since the late nineteenth century. Viewing nations and nationalism as constructs of modern, global capitalism, often legitimated by national mythologies old and new, this chapter surveys the forces at work: from above and below, from centre and periphery. The First World War raised nationalism to white heat, and as multi-ethnic empires faltered, myriad subaltern nationalisms erupted, demanding ‘self-determination’, the watchword of the post-war peace settlements. But the war also unleashed internationalist class challenges to belligerent nationalism, culminating in the 1917 Russian Revolution. Thereafter, European nationalism assumed its most truculent guise: fascism and military dictatorships warring against class in the name of ethnic, national, and biological purity.


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