Peace Agreement for Bosnia and Herzegovina: provisions concerning the ICRC

1996 ◽  
Vol 36 (311) ◽  
pp. 243-245
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Republic

The Peace Agreement for Bosnia and Herzegovina was concluded on 21 November 1995 in Dayton (United States) and signed in Paris on 14 December 1995 by the Presidents of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Croatia. The Agreement brought the hostilities on the territory of the former Yugoslavia to an end.

scholarly journals Bosnia and Herzegovina and changes to the international order: 25 years since the Dayton Agreement

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 41-55
Author(s):  
Srđan Perišić
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Order ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Dayton Agreement ◽  
The Impact

The paper deals with the impact of changes to the international order on the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina over the period of 25 years, from the signing of the Dayton Agreement in 1995 to 2020. For a start, there is an analysis of all models of international order in that period. Furthermore, the paper analyses the unipolar international order as it existed until 2008 and its impact on the internal relations and political system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as on the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Europe and the region of former Yugoslavia. In this respect, it particularly focuses on NATO's activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina in that period and the position of the Republic of Srpska. The second period begins after the year of 2008, and it represents the growth of a multipolar international order. It is the impact of that order on Bosnia and Herzegovina and its internal situation that is discussed in the paper, with Russia's return to the Balkans and its consequences analysed in detail. In addition, an analysis of the Chinese economic and geopolitical project entitled 'Belt and Road Initiative' and its impact on the region of former Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina included, is given. In the presentation, as well as in the paper, one of the focal points is the respective position of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Srpska within the context of NATO enlargement. The influence of the structure of the international project (nejasno, potrebno je definisati koji projekat, iz prethodnog teksta to nije vidljivo) on the states can be seen on the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina - according to the scheme given by the theorist Kenneth Voltz. The unipolar order, influenced by the then US administration, is the creator of the Dayton Agreement in 1995, as well as of the political and legal order in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The political processes that took place after 1995 were also affected by the unipolarity and power of the United States. This power was focused on efforts to turn Bosnia and Herzegovina into a unitary socio-political structure, that is. to change its Dayton design. The culmination of the power of unipolarity and the United States in Bosnia and Herzegovina is the acceptance by political elites of Bosnia and Herzegovina of the NATO integration process in the period of 2005-2009. The emergence of a multipolar order is blocking the process of Bosnia and Herzegovina joining NATO, with the Republic of Srpska stopping the transfer of competences to the state level.

The Bosnian Peace Accord

1996 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertie Ramcharan
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
General Framework ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
The Republic

In Dayton, Ohio, on 21 November 1995, after three weeks of proximity talks, the Bosnian parties, joined by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Croatia, initialled a General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, together with twelve Annexes. Following an implementation conference held in London on 8 and 9 December 1995, the General Framework Agreement and its accompanying Annexes were signed in Paris on 14 December 1995. They came into force upon signature.

scholarly journals Bosnia and Herzegovina on the uncertain path towards the membership in NATO

2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-360
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Action Plan ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Policy Document ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Republic

The path of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards NATO membership began after its entry into the Partnership for Peace in November 2006. In just a few years, Bosnia and Herzegovina has achieved an intensive dialogue with NATO (2008) and the launch of negotiations on the Membership Action Plan (2010), which was however activated in December 2018. In the meantime, there have come to a discord between the key internal political factors in Bosnia and Herzegovina and particularly clear distinction between the Bosniak and Croat elites that unequivocally support NATO membership, and representatives of Serbs at the state level and the Republic of Srpska who are currently against it. Moreover, in October 2017, the National Assembly of the Republic of Srpska took a stand by which it proclaimed the military neutrality of this entity and in that regard insisted on consultations with the neighboring state - the Republic of Serbia. However, in March 2018, the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted a five-year strategic foreign policy document which stipulates that NATO membership is one of its foreign policy foundations. This document only added to the confusion regarding BiH?s membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Following the general elections held in October 2018, this issue has now posed a specific problem over the formation of the Council of Ministers. Neighbors of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro have different opinions concerning the possibility of membership of this country in NATO. Accordingly, Croatia declaratively expresses support and emphasizes its interest in integrating BiH into NATO to prevent cross-border security challenges. Serbian officials are quite restrained about BiH?s entry into NATO, saying that this should be the result of the compromise of the elites of the three constituent nations. The global race between the United States and the Russian Federation represents a turning point in terms of BiH?s membership in NATO. The United States strongly supports this process, believing that it will secure the post-conflict Western Balkans project, while Russia retains the explicit position that any new enlargement poses a problem for its security.

scholarly journals MODELS OF UTILITY CADASTRE IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

AГГ+ ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dragana Skorup
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Basic Set ◽  
The Republic

The utility cadastre database is a basic set of data about utilities, property rights pertaining to them and property rights holders. The beginning of utility cadastre in Bosnia and Herzegovina is referred to cadastre of communal facilities in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) and the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SR BiH). In Bosnia and Herzegovina there are two types of records: utility cadastre and cadastre of communal facilities. The main difference between these two models is that the utility cadastre also contains the information about property rights pertaining to them and property rights holders which is not the case with the cadastre of communal facilities. The paper will give an overview of utility records in BiH and point out some important characteristics of particular models of utility records in the Republic of Srpska, Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Brčko district of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

scholarly journals The Republic of Srpska between Scylla and Charybdis

2005 ◽  
pp. 125-156
Author(s):  
Milijan Popovic
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
International Community ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Police Reform ◽  
Legal Nature ◽  
Yugoslav Republic ◽  
Dayton Peace Agreement ◽  
The Republic ◽  
National Defence

The Republic of Srpska was created during the civil war in the territory of the former Yugoslav republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992-1995. Within the general framework of the agreement to establich peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Dayton Peace Agreement), in Novembar 1995 it was recognized as an entity within Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Dayton Constitution, by its legal nature The Republic of Srpska was a confederative unit (with some elements of a federal unit) within Bosnia and Herzegovina as a confederation (with the some elements of a federation). During the last ten years, both Bosnia and Herzegovina and The Republic of Srpska underwent deep transformations. An indication of these deep transformations was the decision of the president of the Arbitration Tribunal to establish the District of Brcko as the third entity sui generis (in addition to The Republic of Srpska and The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Two basic levers in the anti-Dayton transformational processes which occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities were The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as The High Representative of the international community for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina passed a series of anti-Dayton decisions; by its consequences the most far-reaching decision was related to the issue U 50/2000 which declared the constitutionality of the Bosniacs, the Croats and the Serbs in the entities. On the basis of that decision, in 2000 a set of amendments to The Constitution of The Republic of Srpska was passed which deeply changed the legal nature of The Republic of Srpska. It was transformed from a confederative into to a federal unit. The anti-Dayton activity of The High Representative of the international community is even more pronounced. He became the main constitutional and legislative factor of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities. Under his pressure, in 2003 new amendments to The Constitution of The Republic of Srpska were passed which further diminished the authorities in The Republic of Srpska, specially in the field of national defence and public security. The High Representative himself brought and declared dozens of laws for Bosnia and Herzegovina with which he transformed Bosnia and Herzegovina from the union of states into a federation. With the police reform he announced, he is preparing to regionalize Bosnia and Herzegovina, not taking into account the entity borders, and thus to pave the way for the final abolition of entities including The Republic of Srpska.

The Protection of Human Rights Through the Dayton/Paris Peace Agreement on Bosnia

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul C. Szasz
Keyword(s):  
Air Force ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
General Framework ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Air Force Base ◽  
Republika Srpska

The Bosnia Proximity Peace Talks at the Wright-Patterson Air Force Base near Dayton, Ohio, took place from November 1 to 21, 1995, and ended with the initialing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (GFA) and several of the annexed or related instruments by representatives of the principal states parties to the conflict in Bosnia: the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The initialing was witnessed by representatives of the European Union and the five states members of the Contact Group on Bosnia. In addition, all of the twelve instruments annexed to the GFA were also initialed or otherwise endorsed on behalf of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska. The GFA and these instruments were formally signed in Paris on December 14, and thereby immediately entered into force.

scholarly journals THE POLISH NATIONAL MINORITY AND ITS SACRED ARCHITECTURE IN THE REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA

AГГ+ ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Malinović ◽  
Milijana Okilj ◽  
Ljubiša Preradović
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
National Minority ◽  
Sacred Architecture ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Banja Luka

The topic of this paper is the arrival of the Polish national minority to the territory of today’s Republic of Srpska and the architecture of its sacred buildings. The Poles colonized Bosnia and Herzegovina shortly after the Austro-Hungarian Empire had occupied this territory in 1878. The Poles, like many other colonized minorities, built churches that served not only as  sacred buildings, but as monuments to their culture, language, and national identity as well. After WWII, the majority of the Poles were repatriated, with the highest rate among all minorities in former Yugoslavia. Many of their churches, which are the topic of this paper, were demolished during and after WWII, with only one remaining northern from Banja Luka. 

scholarly journals The post-Dayton search for justice: War crimes trials in Bosnia and Herzegovina before competent courts

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 250-282
Author(s):  
Vedad Gurda ◽  
◽  
Dževad Mahmutović ◽  
Maja Iveljić ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
Plea Bargaining ◽  
War Crimes ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
Criminal Cases ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Scope Of Application ◽  
The Republic

The armed conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995, which ended with the conclusion of the so-called The Dayton Peace Agreement was marked by serious violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms and the commission of horrific war crimes. Prosecution of defendants for these crimes takes place at several levels, ie before: a) the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), b) domestic courts and c) courts of certain foreign states. The paper analyzes certain indicators related to the prosecution of these crimes, their scope and structure, as well as the ratio of convictions and acquittals for certain war crimes, the scope of application of conventional and summary forms of ending criminal cases and court policy of sanctioning perpetrators. It was learned that by the end of 2020, hundreds of criminal proceedings against approximately a thousand defendants had been completed. Most of the accused were prosecuted before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Court of B&H), followed by the ICTY, and a slightly smaller number before the courts of the former SFRY and some Western European countries. The research established that before the ICTY, out of the total number of accused for war crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as many as 90.2% were convicted of some of these crimes, while the rate of convicted in relation to accused before the Court of B&H was 67.2% , and before the courts in the Republic of Serbia 70.2%. It is interesting that before the ICTY as many as 24.3% of the accused were convicted in summary proceedings on the basis of a plea agreement, while before the Court of B&H 13,3% of the accused were convicted using a plea bargaining as a consensual model for ending criminal cases. So far, 22 people have been convicted of the crime of genocide as the most serious crime before the ICTY, the Court of B&H and German courts, and all convictions related to the activities of the Army of Republika Srpska during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes. Finally, it was found that certain courts, especially Court of B&H, inherited a relatively mild policy of punishing war crimes.

scholarly journals Prosecutor v. Dragan Nikolić: Decision on Defence Motion on Illegal Capture

2003 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES SLOAN
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
Trial Chamber ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Defence Counsel ◽  
The Hague

In November 1994 the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), indicted its first accused, Dragan Nikolić. It was not until over five years later, however, in April 2000, that he was finally arrested and transferred to The Hague. The circumstances of his arrest – which reportedly featured his being violently abducted from his home in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) by Serbian criminals before being transferred to the NATO-led Stabilization Force in Bosnia and Herzegovina and, ultimately, to the ICTY in The Hague – were the subject of a pre-trial motion. Nikolić's defence counsel asserted that the nature of his capture was such that the appropriate remedy was to dismiss the charges against him and order his return to the FRY. They made this assertion despite an admission, for the purposes of the motion, that the captors lacked any connection with SFOR or the ICTY. The trial chamber rejected the motion. In reaching its decision, the trial chamber considered fundamental issues about what constituted an illegal capture for the purposes of the ICTY and, without explicitly doing so, appeared to reject the view of the Court in Eichmann that a person may not oppose his being tried by reason of the illegality of his capture.

scholarly journals Political and military circumstances in Tuzla-Podrinje canton in the year of the Dayton peace

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 184-205
Author(s):  
Izet Hadžić ◽  
◽  
Ahmed Hadžić
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Demographic Data ◽  
International Community ◽  
Food Prices ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Complex Situation ◽  
Active Monitoring ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

At the beginning of the paper we explain the territorial differences between the Washington and Dayton Peace Solutions, which especially refers to the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton and focuses only on the Tuzla region and its specifics in relation to other regions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We then present the basic elements of the Washington Agreement, the meetings that preceded it, the content of the agreement, the principles of the Vienna Agreement important for the organization of the canton, as well as active monitoring and consideration of the agreement by the Tuzla District Assembly and its views on international community plans. We also monitor the implementation and importance of the implementation of the Washington Agreement in the Tuzla region and the creation of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, explain the name of the canton and use demographic data based on the 1991 census to indicate that Podrinje is a Bosniak-majority region. Then we give an overview of how the implementation of the Washington Agreement reflected on the normalization of food prices, the situation in the canton and the strengthening of the combat power of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the II Corps of the Army of B&H. The paper describes the jurisdiction of the President of the Canton, the Government of the Canton, national representation by agreement of SDA and HDZ, the composition of the government, the reasons for non-participation of Serbs in implementation and talks with the Serb Civic Council to participate in organizing ministries. We especially present the activities of the President and the Government of the Canton on supporting the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, II Corps and strengthening defense, budget funds for these purposes: action: „We are all B&H Army“, support for displaced persons and improving living conditions in protected areas of Srebrenica and Žepa We also describe the activities of the authorities during the fall of the protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa, for the care of the displaced population, as well as the requests to the institutions of the international community to stop and prevent genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica. We especially emphasize the activity of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton Ministry of the Interior in preserving public order and peace. We are especially dealing with the military situation in the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, presenting significant military successes through the liberation of Lisača on the Kalesija front, Vis near Gračanica, Vijenac near Lukavac, Greda on Majevica, as well as the crushing of enemy offensives „Spreča-95“ and others. In this paper, we argue the support of Russian diplomacy to the aggressor and link Russia's diplomatic activities through the contact group and other accomplices of the conspiracy group towards the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a complex situation such as that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when a Serbian aggressor with the support of insurgent Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina commits genocide, a joint criminal enterprise with the support of the Croatian state led by Tuđman and Croats mainly from Herzegovina win over Fikret Abdić to organize a quisling creation „autonomous region of Western Bosnia“ and opening a conflict with the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The support of the Tuzla District Assembly to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to stop the war and find a peaceful solution was significant. Also, the authorities of the District of Tuzla vigorously condemned the divisions on the national principle as well as the division of the territory of the District of Tuzla. In this paper, we have processed the proposals of the Assembly of the District of Tuzla to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to individual peace solutions. The inadmissibility of the Dayton Peace Solution for the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton authorities and the SDA Cantonal Committee was specifically addressed as well as the reasons and request to President Alija Izetbegović and the negotiating team of Bosnia and Herzegovina to leave the Dayton negotiations, and then the request to Izetbegović to clarify the reasons for accepting such an unjust peace agreement.

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