scholarly journals Political and military circumstances in Tuzla-Podrinje canton in the year of the Dayton peace

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 184-205
Author(s):  
Izet Hadžić ◽  
◽  
Ahmed Hadžić
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Demographic Data ◽  
International Community ◽  
Food Prices ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Complex Situation ◽  
Active Monitoring ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

At the beginning of the paper we explain the territorial differences between the Washington and Dayton Peace Solutions, which especially refers to the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton and focuses only on the Tuzla region and its specifics in relation to other regions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We then present the basic elements of the Washington Agreement, the meetings that preceded it, the content of the agreement, the principles of the Vienna Agreement important for the organization of the canton, as well as active monitoring and consideration of the agreement by the Tuzla District Assembly and its views on international community plans. We also monitor the implementation and importance of the implementation of the Washington Agreement in the Tuzla region and the creation of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, explain the name of the canton and use demographic data based on the 1991 census to indicate that Podrinje is a Bosniak-majority region. Then we give an overview of how the implementation of the Washington Agreement reflected on the normalization of food prices, the situation in the canton and the strengthening of the combat power of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the II Corps of the Army of B&H. The paper describes the jurisdiction of the President of the Canton, the Government of the Canton, national representation by agreement of SDA and HDZ, the composition of the government, the reasons for non-participation of Serbs in implementation and talks with the Serb Civic Council to participate in organizing ministries. We especially present the activities of the President and the Government of the Canton on supporting the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, II Corps and strengthening defense, budget funds for these purposes: action: „We are all B&H Army“, support for displaced persons and improving living conditions in protected areas of Srebrenica and Žepa We also describe the activities of the authorities during the fall of the protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa, for the care of the displaced population, as well as the requests to the institutions of the international community to stop and prevent genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica. We especially emphasize the activity of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton Ministry of the Interior in preserving public order and peace. We are especially dealing with the military situation in the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, presenting significant military successes through the liberation of Lisača on the Kalesija front, Vis near Gračanica, Vijenac near Lukavac, Greda on Majevica, as well as the crushing of enemy offensives „Spreča-95“ and others. In this paper, we argue the support of Russian diplomacy to the aggressor and link Russia's diplomatic activities through the contact group and other accomplices of the conspiracy group towards the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a complex situation such as that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when a Serbian aggressor with the support of insurgent Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina commits genocide, a joint criminal enterprise with the support of the Croatian state led by Tuđman and Croats mainly from Herzegovina win over Fikret Abdić to organize a quisling creation „autonomous region of Western Bosnia“ and opening a conflict with the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The support of the Tuzla District Assembly to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to stop the war and find a peaceful solution was significant. Also, the authorities of the District of Tuzla vigorously condemned the divisions on the national principle as well as the division of the territory of the District of Tuzla. In this paper, we have processed the proposals of the Assembly of the District of Tuzla to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to individual peace solutions. The inadmissibility of the Dayton Peace Solution for the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton authorities and the SDA Cantonal Committee was specifically addressed as well as the reasons and request to President Alija Izetbegović and the negotiating team of Bosnia and Herzegovina to leave the Dayton negotiations, and then the request to Izetbegović to clarify the reasons for accepting such an unjust peace agreement.

scholarly journals The Republic of Srpska between Scylla and Charybdis

2005 ◽  
pp. 125-156
Author(s):  
Milijan Popovic
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
International Community ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Police Reform ◽  
Legal Nature ◽  
Yugoslav Republic ◽  
Dayton Peace Agreement ◽  
The Republic ◽  
National Defence

The Republic of Srpska was created during the civil war in the territory of the former Yugoslav republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992-1995. Within the general framework of the agreement to establich peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Dayton Peace Agreement), in Novembar 1995 it was recognized as an entity within Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Dayton Constitution, by its legal nature The Republic of Srpska was a confederative unit (with some elements of a federal unit) within Bosnia and Herzegovina as a confederation (with the some elements of a federation). During the last ten years, both Bosnia and Herzegovina and The Republic of Srpska underwent deep transformations. An indication of these deep transformations was the decision of the president of the Arbitration Tribunal to establish the District of Brcko as the third entity sui generis (in addition to The Republic of Srpska and The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Two basic levers in the anti-Dayton transformational processes which occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities were The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as The High Representative of the international community for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina passed a series of anti-Dayton decisions; by its consequences the most far-reaching decision was related to the issue U 50/2000 which declared the constitutionality of the Bosniacs, the Croats and the Serbs in the entities. On the basis of that decision, in 2000 a set of amendments to The Constitution of The Republic of Srpska was passed which deeply changed the legal nature of The Republic of Srpska. It was transformed from a confederative into to a federal unit. The anti-Dayton activity of The High Representative of the international community is even more pronounced. He became the main constitutional and legislative factor of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities. Under his pressure, in 2003 new amendments to The Constitution of The Republic of Srpska were passed which further diminished the authorities in The Republic of Srpska, specially in the field of national defence and public security. The High Representative himself brought and declared dozens of laws for Bosnia and Herzegovina with which he transformed Bosnia and Herzegovina from the union of states into a federation. With the police reform he announced, he is preparing to regionalize Bosnia and Herzegovina, not taking into account the entity borders, and thus to pave the way for the final abolition of entities including The Republic of Srpska.

scholarly journals Textual Analysis of Power of the Government of Indonesia and Aceh in the Helsinki MoU

TEKNOSASTIK ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Rosaria Mita Amalia
Keyword(s):  
Natural Disasters ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Ethno-national conflict in Aceh struggling for independence from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia was waged for almost three decades since 1976. The military approach taken by the Government of Indonesia (GOI) for years was unable to bring the conflict to an end. Since then, conflict resolution through diplomatic mechanism was initiated by involving third party mediator. The massive natural disasters, earthquake and the tsunami that hit the region in December 2004 prior to the peace agreement between Government of Indonesia and GAM (Free Aceh Movement). The parties committed to agree the memorandum of understanding which known as Helsinki MoU. This research questions whose party more powerful is, Government of Indonesia or Aceh The question can be answered by using Critical Discourse Analysis as a tool. The linguistics instruments can show power which is dominated or not by one of the parties. Based on the findings in this study, it is confirmed that no one from two parties is more powerful than another. It is shown that the power between GOI and GAM is balanced. In other words, based on the analysis of MOU Helsinki, their position is adequate.

Concepts for reconstruction of the maritime economy of the polish underground state...in the years 1940–1944

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Bogdan Chrzanowski
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
Maritime Economy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Military

The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.

scholarly journals National language issue in Soviet Azerbaijan (1920’s)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-152
Author(s):  
Khagan Balayev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Language Policy ◽  
Executive Committee ◽  
National Language ◽  
Official Language ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Soviet Socialist Republic ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

On April 28, 1920, the Peoples Republic of Azerbaijan was overthrown as a result of the intrusion of the military forces of Russia and the support of the local communists, the Soviet power was established in Azerbaijan. The Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan and the Council of Peoples Commissars continued the language policy of the Peoples Republic of Azerbaijan. On February 28, 1921, the Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan issued an instruction on the application of Russian and Turkish as languages for correspondences in the government offices. On June 27, 1924, the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic executed the resolution of the second session of the Central Executive Committee of Transcaucasia and issued a decree “on the application of the official language, of the language of the majority and minority of the population in the government offices of the republic”. Article 1 of the said decree declared that the official language in the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic was Turkish.

scholarly journals POLICY AND PRACTICE: REFLEKSI PERJANJIAN DAMAI HELSINKI 2005-2018: KESUKSESAN DAN TANTANGAN KEDEPAN

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
The People ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Cultural Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh

scholarly journals Modern Political History of Bosnia and Herzegovina

2021 ◽  
pp. 20-39
Author(s):  
Ešref Kenan Rašidagić
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political History ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
Political Economic

Since Bosnia and Herzegovina’s declaration of independence in 1995, its path has been a rocky one. Unwillingness by the international community to stand by the central government and stand in the way of the neighboring states of Serbia and Croatia’s territorial pretensions, produced a succession of ceasefire agreements, culminating in the final, Dayton Peace Agreement. Each of these agreements espoused the ethnic principle as the guiding philosophy for the organization of the state. The post-war period demonstrates that despite the passage of time, the principle of organization of multi-ethnic state along ethnic lines presents a stumbling block to the functioning of the political, economic and social life in the country. The political history of post-independence Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) therefore reads as a history of protracted political paralysis, with no hope of rectifying the problems without another forceful intervention of the international community.

scholarly journals Dwi Fungsi ABRI : Melacak Sejarah Keterlibatan ABRI dalam Kehidupan Sosial Politik dan Perekonomian Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Anwar Anwar
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
New Order ◽  
Dual Function ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Foreign Companies ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

This paper examines the historical roots of the emergence of the involvement of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (ABRI) in the socio-political field, especially several reasons that form the basis of government policy to involve ABRI in the socio-political and economic fields, as well as ABRI’s own efforts to play a role in these fields. This historical approach research concluded that ABRI’s involvement in the socio-political field in Indonesia had begun since the government of Guided Democracy under President Soekarno. Politically, the reason for Soekarno’s inclusion of the military in his government structure was due to the failure of civilian politicians in formulating state ideology with no agreement between parties in the constituent assembly. This failure is considered to endanger national political stability and threaten the integrity of the country. For this reason, President Soekarno recruited the military to balance civilian politicians in his government. Along with its involvement in the socio-political field, ABRI also plays a role in socio-economics. Although at first, this role was limited to securing national private companies which were legacies of foreign companies, but during the New Order government, the dual function of ABRI was confirmed and its role was wider. Almost all strategic economic sectors are controlled by ABRI.

scholarly journals FACTORS HINDERING PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REFORM AND EU ACCESSION: CASE STUDY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2/2020) ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Sara Rajic
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Legal Method ◽  
Public Administration Reform ◽  
The Government

Public administration represents operations and practice of the government through management, administration and implementation of government policies having in mind public interests and the society as a whole. However, analysis of the political system and public administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) reveals that this definition is rather “modified” when it comes to the mentioned country. Even though public administration reform is one of the priorities for BIH, the reasons why it has not been more successful are post-conflict reconstruction and state building, unique political organisation as a result of a peace agreement, veto mechanisms and ethnic quotas which makes the consensus harder to achieve and delays adoption of important strategies. Even though political elite in BIH is committed to public administration reform and the key reform institutions have been established there is a lack of necessary knowledge and skills, competences and most importantly, political will. However, public administration reform definitely represents one of the key conditions for the future of BIH and its accession to the European Union (EU). Undoubtedly, public administration reform is a complex reform, and in this paper, the focus is on the case study of BIH by identifying its key issues on the way to the EU membership. This paper is based on analytical method with an explorative and descriptive purpose, comparative legal method, literature review method, and finally, synthesis of results, combined with professional insight and conclusions.

Papua New Guinea: Volatile but Coupless

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.J. May
Keyword(s):  
Papua New Guinea ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
New Guinea ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Government ◽  
Security Operations ◽  
Civilian Authority ◽  
The Military

Before Papua New Guinea’s independence in 1975, its military consisted of a Pacific Island Regiment under the Australian Army’s Northern Command. In preparation for independence, there was considerable debate over whether the independent country should have a military force. Provision was made for the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) in the constitution, with a strong emphasis on the supremacy of the civilian authority. In the first decade of independence, the PNGDF was called out to assist police in internal security operations, but the priority of its role in internal security was not officially recognized until 1991. The deployment of the PNGDF to Bougainville to assist police in operations against what became the separatist Bougainville Revolutionary Army involved a heavy commitment of troops to a long-running conflict and was marked by a number of confrontations between the military and political leaders. This culminated in the Sandline affair, in which the PNGDF commander stepped in to terminate a contract between the government and the military consultants Sandline International and called on the prime minister to resign (but did not attempt to take over the government). After the Sandline affair and with the Bougainville Peace Agreement, relations between government and military improved, but several incidents involving PNGDF personnel led Prime Minister Morauta to speak of a “culture of instability” within the PNGDF and to invite a review by a Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group. Confrontations between the military and government, however, have consistently stopped short of attempted coup. The most plausible explanation for this may lie in the localized, competitive, and fractious nature of political power in Papua New Guinea, the absence of a dominant ethnic group, and the difficulties that even a legitimate, elected government has in maintaining law and order and service delivery across the country.

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