Article 17 of the Treaty of Uccialli

1965 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlo Giglio

By Article 17 of the Treaty of Uccialli, the Italian Government did not intend to establish a protectorate over Ethiopia, but only to preponderate among all the other Nations by obliging Menelik to use the Italian channel as portalettere (postman); even so, Antonelli was authorized to modify or even to suppress this article. When Antonelli discussed the matter with Menelik, the latter refused to accept an obligation; both negotiators agreed that the text of the Article should reflect only an option. This agreement was correctly transcribed in the Amharic text, but not in the Italian one. Antonelli, giving more weight to oral than to written understandings, left unchanged the original wording of the draft he had brought from Rome, i.e. consente (Menelik binds himself to use Italy as postman).Against the opinion of Antonelli, Crispi decided to take advantage of Article 17, using the opportunity created by the General Act of Berlin, 1885. In October 1889 he notified the Article to the signatories of the said Act, in spite of the fact that Ethiopia was not on the African coast and that Article 17 was not a formula on which a protectorate could be based. The acknowledgement of such a notification gave birth to the Italian protectorate. It was at this moment that the imbroglio was created, by Crispi and not by Antonelli.

Matatu ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chantal Zabus

The essay shows how Ezenwa–Ohaeto's poetry in pidgin, particularly in his collection (1988), emblematizes a linguistic interface between, on the one hand, the pseudo-pidgin of Onitsha Market pamphleteers of the 1950s and 1960s (including in its gendered guise as in Cyprian Ekwensi) and, on the other, its quasicreolized form in contemporary news and television and radio dramas as well as a potential first language. While locating Nigerian Pidgin or EnPi in the wider context of the emergence of pidgins on the West African Coast, the essay also draws on examples from Joyce Cary, Frank Aig–Imoukhuede, Ogali A. Ogali, Ola Rotimi, Wole Soyinka, and Tunde Fatunde among others. It is not by default but out of choice and with their 'informed consent' that EnPi writers such as Ezenwa–Ohaeto contributed to the unfinished plot of the pidgin–creole continuum.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 739-742

On February 13, 2020, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) announced its decision in N.D. and N.T. v. Spain. According to a press release from the Court, the case concerned two individuals (one from Mali and the other from Côte d'Ivoire) who were immediately returned to Morocco from Spain after unlawfully entering the autonomous Spanish city of Melilla on the North African coast. The individuals argued that their return to Morocco violated ECHR Articles 4 of Protocol 4 (prohibition of collective expulsion) and Article 13 (right to an affective remedy). The ECtHR disagreed, basing its decision on the fact that the two applicants unlawfully entered Melilla. The Court stated that because the two individuals had chosen not to make use of lawful channels for entry, their immediate return to Morocco without individual assessment of their cases for asylum "was thus a consequence of their own conduct" (para. 231). Because the Court found no violation of article 4, it could not make a finding with respect to article 13.


Literator ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan L. Coetser

Dias and Da Gama, Van Wyk Louw and Camões (re)visited. Although he was the first Portuguese explorer who rounded the southernmost cape of Africa, world history does not herald Bartholomew Dias as an important figure. His compatriot Vasco da Gama was the first mariner who reached the Orient by navigating around the Cape. Despite Dias’s relative historical unimportance, N.P. van Wyk Louw preferred to write a radio play about him and his journey around the South African coast. Luís Vaz de Camões, on the other hand, wrote an epic poem about da Gama’s journey, which he titled Os Lusíadas (1572), or The sons of Portugal. The question I set out to answer, relates to the position and importance that the playwright of Dias (1952) attaches to themes in Canto 5 of Os Lusíadas (1572). I assume that the two can be compared due to the presence of the mythical character Adamastor in both. As in Os Lusíadas (1572), Adamastor takes the form of a storm in Dias (1952). I conclude that, in spite of different origins, both texts are allegorical and national in character. The differences in origin inspired a revised reading of Dias (1952).


Afro-Ásia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alisson Eugenio ◽  
Mara Lúcia De Cabral Marcelino

<p class="abstract">O objetivo deste artigo é compreender as narrativas como uma forma de ação política, ou seja, como elas foram utilizadas como instrumento de poder; nesse caso, o poder de construir uma imagem sobre o outro e, a partir dessa construção, justificar a dominação sobre ele. Assim, analisa-se como Gomes Eanes de Zurara, autor da <em>Crônica da Guiné</em>, narrou o processo inicial da chegada portuguesa à costa ocidental africana e construiu uma imagem detratora dos seus habitantes, a fim de obter do papado autorização para explorar a região.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Zurara -  <em>Crônica da Guiné</em> - África e negros.</p><p class="abstract"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p class="abstract"><em>The purpose of this article is to understand narratives as a form of political action, that is, how they were used as an instrument of power; In this case the power to build one image on the other and, from this construction, justify domination over it. Thus, it will be analyzed how Gomes Eanes de Zurara, author of the </em>Chronicle of Guinea<em>, narrated the initial process of the Portuguese arrival of the West African coast and built a detractive image of its inhabitants, in order to obtain from the papacy to explore the region.</em></p><p class="abstract"><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong>: <em>Zurara - </em>Chronicle of Guinea<em> -  Africa and blacks.</em></p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p>


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 81-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pat Caplan

Almost twenty years ago, the French anthropologist Claude Fischler wrote: ‘To identify a food, one has to “think” it, to understand its place in the world and therefore understand the world.’ For several decades I have been carrying out research among peasant cultivators on the East African coast (since 1965) and among the middle classes in Chennai (formerly Madras), South India (since 1974). During those periods, there have been marked changes in food consumption patterns in both areas. Recent research on local views of modernities in Tanzania suggests that food is an important way for people to conceptualise some of the dis-orders which have arisen as a result of current neo-liberal policies. In Chennai, on the other hand, my most recent research suggests that the consumption of ‘modern’ food is welcomed by the middle classes, especially by younger people, as being associated with global cosmopolitanism. In both areas, however, as might be expected, much depends on context and positionality and thus multiple and sometimes competing voices can be heard. In this paper, I examine local responses to changing food consumption patterns in order to understand local knowledge of food and the world.


Modern Italy ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Meriggi

During the years following national unification, the Mezzogiorno became one of the greatest problems for the Italian government. On the one hand, because of its social and economic backwardness and the loyalty of some sections of the population to the previous illiberal government, it was devalued by the national political and military elite as a part of the large and undeveloped ‘South’ of the world, which was at that time affected by the criticism of ‘orientalistic’ Western discourse. On the other hand, it was also the place where the democratic and progressive opposition to the moderate liberal national rulers was stronger. A transnational and transregional perspective shows how the Mezzogiorno contained two different coexisting nations, a reactionary and a progressive one, which were in mutual conflict and, at the same time, on different grounds, in conflict with the central State. Building the state in the South meant, for the Italian liberal elites, discovering an ambiguous and dangerous periphery of the Nation.


1966 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sven Rubenson

Contrary to Professor Carlo Giglio I maintain that article xvII of the Wic̣halē treaty was in the Italian text worded in such a way that it, if legally valid, limited Ethiopian sovereignty and created a relationship which in substance amounted to a protectorate. The Italian negotiator Antonelli who had drafted this text could hardly be ignorant of its implications, and by allowing it to remain unchanged at the same time as he signed a different Amharic version he created the imbroglio, whether he intended to do so or not, and whether he actually tried to hinder the notification of the protectorate or not.On the other hand, once it is established that the Italian version of article xvII was void, then there is no basis whatsoever for the Italian claim to a protectorate over Ethiopia. Article XVII was the ‘act’ on which the notification and the acknowledgements were based. The latter are therefore legally meaningless without article xvII. De jure the protectorate did not exist. Since the Italian government failed to gain control over Ethiopia's foreign relations or internal affairs, the protectorate never came into any de facto existence either. Professor Giglio's proposition that an Italian protectorate over Ethiopia was legally established regardless of the validity of article XVII, and functioned from 1889 to 1896 is not tenable.


IKON ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 229-262
Author(s):  
Vincenza Capone ◽  
Giovanna Petrillo

- This study analyses the Italian government institutional communication's strategies to face "avian phenomenon", in order to assess the efficacy of communication by different messages with reference to the supplying subjects' declared purposes and the target range. Four different initiatives, implemented during the period November-December 2005, were considered: an informative booklet, a placard, a spot and a press release. According to Fabris' model (1992), the different communication strategies were analysed, by heeding the medium specificity, with reference to: content; accessibility; graphic aspect; potential impact on the target range. On the whole the strategies missed their goal. In fact, while the placard was positively assessed, the other strategies had some negative elements, that is the complex language and the low clarity of the press release and the booklet, and the too ironic content and the long duration of the spot.


Author(s):  
Vanda Wilcox

When the July Crisis erupted, Italy was allied to its neighbour Austria-Hungary, but most Italians had little interest in fighting for it. On 3 August 1914 Italy declared its neutrality with the support of most of the population. However, the prospect of joining the war on the other side was soon raised, and both the Entente and the Central Powers began to court the Italian government in hope of securing its allegiance. A small but vocal interventionist movement emerged as public opinion evolved. Irredentism motivated some interventionists, while others adopted pragmatic positions or embraced the rhetoric of a war for democracy; some placed the war in a wider imperial context right from the start, hoping to acquire as yet undefined territories beyond national borders. At last, in April 1915, Italy signed the Treaty of London, committing to join the Entente in pursuit of expansionist aims: it hoped both to complete national unification and to receive territorial compensation elsewhere.


Afro-Ásia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alisson Eugenio ◽  
Mara Lúcia De Cabral Marcelino

<p class="abstract">O objetivo deste artigo é compreender as narrativas como uma forma de ação política, ou seja, como elas foram utilizadas como instrumento de poder; nesse caso, o poder de construir uma imagem sobre o outro e, a partir dessa construção, justificar a dominação sobre ele. Assim, analisa-se como Gomes Eanes de Zurara, autor da <em>Crônica da Guiné</em>, narrou o processo inicial da chegada portuguesa à costa ocidental africana e construiu uma imagem detratora dos seus habitantes, a fim de obter do papado autorização para explorar a região.</p><p class="abstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Zurara -  <em>Crônica da Guiné</em> - África e negros.</p><p class="abstract"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p class="abstract"><em>The purpose of this article is to understand narratives as a form of political action, that is, how they were used as an instrument of power; In this case the power to build one image on the other and, from this construction, justify domination over it. Thus, it will be analyzed how Gomes Eanes de Zurara, author of the </em>Chronicle of Guinea<em>, narrated the initial process of the Portuguese arrival of the West African coast and built a detractive image of its inhabitants, in order to obtain from the papacy to explore the region.</em></p><p class="abstract"><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong>: <em>Zurara - </em>Chronicle of Guinea<em> -  Africa and blacks.</em></p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p><p> </p>


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