Early sealing regimes: the Bering Sea fur seal regime vis-à-vis Finnish–Soviet fishing and sealing agreements

Polar Record ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolas Sellheim

ABSTRACTEnvironmental management had its early stages in the early years of the 20th century. This note contrasts the different regimes that emerged with regard to the management of seals and the seal hunt: the well-researched Bering Sea regime and the little known regimes between Finland and the Soviet Union. While the former shaped and already embedded principles of modern environmental law and has the seal population as its primary focus, the latter agreements did not make reference to the environmental dimension of the seal hunt, but must be read against the backdrop of the difficult border situations between the two countries.

Arthur Szyk ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 217-232
Author(s):  
Joseph P. Ansell

This chapter encompasses Arthur Szyk's final years. It shows his continued dedication to freedom struggles around the world even as it contemplates on the dwindling number of exhibitions he held during this period. During this time, the United States was also turning inward after the Second World War. This attitude was one which Szyk did not share and which his work, with its liberal and international themes, did not support. Moreover, the chapter reveals his growing sympathy towards the Soviet Union, which was so evident in the political cartoons and related works from the years of alliance during the Second World War. It also shows that, by the early years of the Cold War, his health was somewhat precarious, forcing him to choose his activities carefully.


1982 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 379-412 ◽  

I. Neyman's early life, and subsequent career by D. G. Kendall, F. R. S. The early years of Jerzy Neyman are known to us through anecdote rather than through record. Amplification of the few facts set out here must await substantial archival work, mainly in Poland and in the Soviet Union. Further information will be found in Reid (R19).* *Numbers prefixed by R relate to items in the list of References.


2003 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 81-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Astrid S. Tuminez

Nationalism and ethnic pressures contributed to the breakup of the Soviet Union, but they were not the primary cause. A qualified exception to this argument is Russian elite separatist nationalism, led by Boris Yeltsin, which had a direct impact on Soviet disintegration. This article provides an overview of Soviet policy vis-à-vis nationalities, discusses the surge of nationalism and ethnic pressures in the Soviet Union in 1988–1991, and shows how ethnic unrest and separatist movements weakened the Soviet state. It also emphasizes that the demise of the Soviet Union resulted mainly from three other key factors: 1) Mikhail Gorbachev's failure to establish a viable compact between center and periphery in the early years of his rule; 2) Gorbachev's general unwillingness to use decisive force to quell ethnic and nationalist challenges; and 3) the defection of a core group of Russian elites from the Soviet regime.


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leilah Danielson

AbstractThis article argues that Christian beliefs and concerns shaped the political culture of anti-nuclear activism in the early years of the Cold War. It focuses in particular on the origins of the Peacemakers, a group founded in 1948 by a mostly Protestant group of radical pacifists to oppose conscription and nuclear proliferation. Like others who came of age in the interwar years, the Peacemakers questioned the Enlightenment tradition, with its emphasis on reason and optimism about human progress, and believed that liberal Protestantism had accommodated itself too easily to the values of modern, secular society. But rather than adopt the “realist” framework of their contemporaries, who gave the United States critical support in its Cold War with the Soviet Union, radicals developed a politics of resistance rooted in a Christian framework in which repentance for dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was the first step toward personal and national redemption. Although they had scant influence on American policymakers or the public in the early years of the Cold War, widespread opposition to nuclear testing and U.S. foreign policy in the late 1950s and 1960s launched them into leadership roles in campaigns for nuclear disarmament and peace.


Polar Record ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 8 (54) ◽  
pp. 222-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. F. Treshnikov

In the early years of Soviet power, expeditions to the Barents and Kara Seas were organized, and this laid the foundations of navigation between the European part of the Soviet Union and the Siberian rivers Ob' and Yenisey. In the course of these voyages great quantities of goods were carried across the Arctic seas, which were to become important in the country's economy.


Adeptus ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 66-80
Author(s):  
Miłosz J. Zieliński

The early years of the existence of the Kaliningrad Oblast and the difficulties in constructing the identity of its inhabitantsIn the last two decades, the Kaliningrad Oblast has been subject to changes of a manifold nature, not only political but also societal and cultural. As a result of the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the region has become a semi-enclave which has led to the consequences of the former occupation being even greater. As a result, the Oblast differs from other parts of Russia. Experts involved with the Kaliningrad Oblast, both from Russia and abroad, agree that it constitutes a unique part of the historic, cultural and societal mosaic of Russia. It comes as no surprise that geopolitical processes have left a significant mark on the Kaliningrad Oblast identity. Nowadays the semi-exclave is often described as the most European among the Russian regions. Yet the question of the contemporary identity of the Kaliningrad Oblast’s inhabitants cannot be properly addressed and examined without research into the very first years of the regions’ existence (from 1945 to the end of the 1950s). This paper aims at briefly summing up changes that took place in the northern part of former East Prussia in four areas after the Second World War. This will include: the taking over of control by the Soviet administration of the newly conquered territory; settling the region with a new population and the deportation of Germans still remaining there; replacing German names of towns and villages with Soviet (Russian) ones; the attitude of central and local authorities towards religious communities and attempts to spontaneously organise religious life in the region.All of the above-mentioned elements of post-war life in the Kaliningrad Oblast contributed to the creation of a new politico-social reality which encompassed a total denial of the region’s past. Together with further changes, these elements laid the foundations of the identity of its inhabitants after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In this sense, they can be considered as a starting point for further research which is my main objective as a PhD student at the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences. Pierwsze lata istnienia obwodu kaliningradzkiego a problem kształtowania się tożsamości jego mieszkańcówPrzez minione dwie dekady obwód kaliningradzki podlegał różnorakim zmianom – nie tylko politycznym, ale również społecznym i kulturowym. W wyniku rozpadu Związku Sowieckiego obwód stał się półeksklawą, co dodatkowo spotęgowało skutki zachodzących zmian. W rezultacie obwód znacząco różni się od pozostałych część Rosji. Eksperci zajmujący się regionem, zarówno z Rosji, jak i innych krajów, zgodnie twierdzą, że obwód kaliningradzki to unikatowa część historycznej, kulturowej i społecznej mozaiki tego kraju. Nie jest zaskoczeniem, że procesy geopolityczne zostawiły ślad w tożsamości najbardziej europejskiego spośród rosyjskich regionów. Współczesna tożsamość mieszkańców obwodu kaliningradzkiego nie może być jednak dokładnie zbadana i opisana bez analizy pierwszych lat istnienia tego bytu politycznego, tj. okresu od 1945 roku do końca lat 50. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zwięzłe podsumowanie zmian, które nastąpiły w obwodzie kaliningradzkim, na podstawie czterech umownych dziedzin, tj.: okoliczności przejęcia kontroli administracji sowieckiej nad nowo zdobytym obszarem; zasiedlenie regionu przez nowych osadników i deportację pozostałej tu ludności niemieckiej; zastąpienie niemieckich nazw miejscowości przez nazwy sowieckie (rosyjskie); spontaniczne próby organizacji życia religijnego w regionie oraz stosunek władz centralnych i lokalnych do wspólnot wyznaniowych.Wymienione elementy powojennego życia w obwodzie kaliningradzkim przyczyniły się do stworzenia tu nowej rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej, która oznaczała całkowitą negację przeszłości regionu. Zmiany owe, a także te, do których doszło w kolejnych latach, położyły podwaliny tożsamości mieszkańców obwodu już po rozpadzie Związku Sowieckiego oraz jej dalszą ewolucję. Pod tym względem mogą być postrzegane jako punkt wyjścia dla dalszej analizy, która jest głównym celem moich badań jako doktoranta w Instytucie Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk.


2021 ◽  
pp. 411-422
Author(s):  
Richard Ebeling

Russian president Vladimir Putin’s power grab and annexation of the Crimea has filled global news headlines as he attempts to reverse what he has called the «greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth Century» – the collapse of the Soviet Union. But it needs to be remembered that this conflict has its deeper roots in two ideas that have plagued the world for over two centuries: nationalism and government interventionism into economic affairs. In the early years of the nineteenth century the new nationalist idea of self-determination in establishing in what country people should live was considered a logical extension of the general idea of individual liberty and freedom of choice. Just as an individual should have the liberty to guide his own life according to his own values, beliefs and ideals; just as he should be free to peacefully associate with whomever he chose on the basis of commonly shared goals or mutually beneficial exchanges; so, too, individuals should have the freedom to choose in what political state they wanted to live.


Author(s):  
Jo. Junbae

Korean historiography of Perestroika and its resulting dissolution of the Soviet Union shows in what way a country under the dual system of cold war and division sought to understand the historical experience of an alien and even opposing regime in the northern world. Generally, Korean scholars’ recognitions and analyses of such history were very partial and did not reach at a high level, although some of them demonstrated fine achievements equipped with fresh methodologies and a lot of various materials. Ideological foundations of the Soviet regime came under inspection in Korea as early as in the middle of Perestroika. Many of social scientists and historians actively jumped into the study of the dynamics of Soviet statecraft as politics was the main stage where Gorbachev’s reform was vigorously carried out. The changes of the Soviet economy under Perestroika were another subject for Korean scholars to research from its early years as they formed the heart of Gorbachev’s reform, especially in the late 1980s. Nationalities question and the Russian orthodox church of the Perestroika era were the area in which professional research was undertaken relatively later in Korea, contrary to their role in maintaining or strengthening identity and nationalism among the Soviet population. However, it is evident that Perestroika provided Koreans with an invaluable opportunity for a full-scale study on the Soviet Union as both countries established diplomatic ties with each other in 1990. In addition, the story of Soviet socialism and its demise allowed Korean intellectuals to think over what prospect and possibility the humanity could have for their future lives. In conclusion, the Soviet times gave an indication about what direction they would take and what efforts they should make.


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