A new Kharoṣṭhī wooden tablet from China

1990 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lin Meicun

Many Kharoṣṭhī documents have been unearthed from the buried cities in the shifting sands of the Taklamakan Desert in the last thirty years. I went to the south of the Desert and conducted an archaeological survey along the Silk Road in the summer of 1986. A Kharoṣṭhī wooden tablet happened to be on display in the Khotan Museum when I visited there, but no serial number had been given to the new document. It was allegedly collected by Mr. Li Xuehua, an officer of the Min Feng county, when he explored the way to the Niya site for the shooting of a television programme on the Silk Road in 1981. However, he did not leave any further information on the exact place where the tablet was found in the vast area of Niya.

Author(s):  
Xiaojun Chai

This paper seeks to analyze the ways in which the exchange of silk for horses impacted trade regulations along the Silk Road, thus leading to a rupture in Chinese economic policy. Exchanges between the Qing Dynasty and the Kazakh Khanate were carried between 1759 and 1796, having begun after the Qianlong Emperor vanquished the Dzungar Khanate, which determined the khan of the Kazakhs to swear allegiance to the Emperor. As the Qing Dynasty had up until that point been both politically and economically isolationist, this marked a radical change in its foreign policy.The relation established between emperor and khan is known as chao gong mao yi(朝贡贸易)and is usually translated as vassalage, owing to the similarities with the European concepts, but it also involves the offering of tributes. Traditionally, when discussing the Qianlong Emperor’s decision to consolidate trade with its new vasal, scholars have tended to favor one of three narratives: the first sees this exchange in the same light as the economic relations between the imperial capital and any of China’s provinces, and therefore focuses on the inclusions character of the policy. The second considers the exchange of horses for silk as representing the immediate, dire needs of the two political leaders; while the Khan and his court required fine materials for their own prestige, the Emperor’s armies had an urgent need for horses in the fight against the rebellious Uighurs in Altishahr. The third postulates that engaging in trade would have allowed the isolated Qing to secure their borders.Rather than fully accepting or discarding any of these narratives, a more nuanced position can be gained. We can do this by understanding the implications of vassalage and tribute in close connection with the way in which the whole regional economic policy was modeled around it. I will look at the ways in which chao gong mao yi and its economical meaning were defined in Chinese archives. This will allow us to better understand their interconnected evolution. The Chinese archives that I will look at are formed of two types of documents: the first of these, the jun ji chu lu fu zou zhe (军机处录副奏折), are extensive reports on the affairs of the army, including their military actions and tactics, the power struggles between officers, and the rations needed to feed and supply the troops, to name only a few; the second, the Qianlong chao shi lu (乾隆朝实录), are concise reports that describe in minute detail the affairs of the imperial court. When taken together, these materials paint a vivid picture of the social, economic, and political life of late eighteenth-century China. From these sources we can see that the Qing opted for a sort of tribute trade which made a compromise on the tariff. This shows that while the Qing were clearly making some profit, the need of supplying the armies with horses in Alishahr wasmore important, and they were therefore forced to maintain their conservative economic policy.These materials offer new information which scholars that have tried to defend one of the three narratives in particular have so far neglected. Most important amongst these are two interconnected aspects: on one hand, by investigating how the Silk Road was rebuilt, we see that two different projects were used for the north and for the south. This led to the displacement of the economy towards the north, as it connected several important cities and trade hubs, such as Suzhou、Suzhou . By ignoring the regional impact, historians have tended to downgrade or neglect the changes that this disruption brought to the course of trade. On the other hand, this very separation is the thing that destabilized the region. It caused local unrest, uprisings and separatist tendencies. These episodes of local unrest forced a rethinking of the entire imperial economic policy.The Qianlong Emperor’s policy was never expansionist, neither in territorial nor in economic terms. While they were clearly aware of the importance of forging a strong relationship with their northern Kazakh neighbors, they never had any ambitions to expand towards inner Asia. We can observe this in the way in which the economic policy that they initiated with the Khanate later form the basis for the trade routes with Russia through Qiaketu. These routes would economically drain the Kazahks in the long term. That China was not expansionist at this point can easily be observed from the fact that it hesitated to break out of its traditional approach even when the Kazakhs were weakened, so it was the Russian who eventually absorbed them.To conclude, it can be said that a new understanding of China’s attitudes as a regional actor during the period of Qing Dynasty can be gained by looking at smaller units and understanding how different types of regional or local economic policies evolved together. Quite often, these impacted not only interconnected regions but the empire as a whole. As we have seen, the exchange of silk for horses along the Silk Road is just one such example. Given the rich material that is available in the Chinese archives, many other aspects could be studied.


THE BULLETIN ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (390) ◽  
pp. 30-36
Author(s):  
G. A. Rizakhojayeva ◽  
A. Yu. Baltabayeva

The study is devoted to the study of the form of the emergence of trade architecture of the cities of the Great Silk Road and their impact on the expansion of modern tourism in the region. Сaravanserais, trading cities (markets) of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan are outlined as examples. The analysis of the types of planning structure and the situation that divulged the attributes of the trade architecture of the Great Silk Road. In the process of research, a measure of saturation with cultural and historical means of the Great Silk Road regions was deliberated. And also reviewed modern projects for the improvement of this trade and geographical interrelation of cultures of the East and West. The extent of the Great Silk Road was 12 thousand kilometers, so few traders proceeded all the way along the Silk Road. Essentially, they tried to travel in shifts and trade-off goods somewhere halfway. Throughout the Great Silk Road in the cities and villages through which caravans elapsed, there were caravanserais (inns). They had hujras (“lounges”) for merchants and caravan staff, rooms for camels, horses, mules and donkeys, and needed fodder and facilities. Caravanserais were a place where it was attainable to sell and buy in bulk goods interesting to a merchant, and most importantly, to get hold of the latest commercial news and, above all, prices for goods.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 168-174
Author(s):  
Zalán Márk Maró ◽  
Attila Jámbor ◽  
Áron Török

The Ancient Silk Road was created 2100 years ago during the Han Dynasty (I-II century BC) to promote trade between China and Europe. The road was more than 7,000 km long and served as a catalyst for development for many centuries. After the 15th century, the Silk Road – and, at the same time, China's dominant role – lost its significance due to geographical discoveries. The dramatic fall in technology and the cost of transportation has led to the Silk Road being forgotten today. The New Silk Road Initiative (also named ‘One Belt, One Road’ concept) has been China's greatest economic effort ever, with the main objective of stimulating economic development in Asia, Europe and Africa. It consists of two parts: the Belt will rely on major cities along the route that will carry some kind of central economic and commercial functions; while the Road is based on large ports, which together will result in a safe and efficient logistics route.The concept would affect 64% of the world's population (4.4 billion people) and would cover 30% of the world's GDP ($ 21 trillion). In recent years, China's economic growth has slowed down, and Chinese goods have become more and more expensive to rely on their main competitive advantage, the low price. This trend points to the need to examine the possibilities of making the transport of goods more efficient. Asia-Europe rail trade accounts for between 3% and 3.5% of total trade between the continents. It follows that 95-96% of the trade between the two continents is carried out at sea. The exact routes of the New Silk Road Initiative have not yet been fully defined but will consist of several land and sea transport routes. We made a systematic literature review to identify the possible paths of the New Silk Road. The initial search obtained 1.739 entries across all databases, which ended up in 49 relevant publications, but in this study we used only 17 publications due to the specificity of the topicAccording to the majority of the literature, the New Silk Road would consist of three general land routes. The first land route from China to Central Asia and Russia would reach Europe through the Baltic Sea. The second route would run through Central-, West Asia, the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean and Central Europe. This route would affect the V4 countries, especially Hungary. The third route would run through Southeast and South Asia to the Indian Ocean. The Maritime Silk Road would start from the coasts of China through the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean to Africa and Europe; as well as from the Chinese coastal ports through the South China Sea to the Pacific Ocean.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-241
Author(s):  
Christian Høgel

Texts–and the stories and teachings they contained–travelled far along the Silk Road in the hands of merchants, missionaries, monastic communities and many more. The intricate itineraries and the many languages and scripts used on the way have received much attention, and we can therefore follow some of the stages and versions that stories like the Barlaam and Josaphat (as it was known in the West) went through in its long journey from Sanskrit India to e.g. Norse-writing Norway. But in studies of such transfer of texts, translation has mainly been seen as a linguistic enterprise, requiring language skills and linguistic strategies of translators. The present paper aims at involving also material aspects of this process, focusing on the material conditions into which texts were inscribed on the way. The transformation from stringed palm leaves, to single parchment leaves or rolls, and then to bound codices also had an impact on the structure, presentation and symbolic value of these texts. Layout, the place and possibility of illuminations, as well as the portability and physical resilience of the written text all depended on the traditional manners of book production, and these varied immensely over the expanse of the Silk Road. Being authoritative to various degrees in themselves, texts entered, when translated and re-circulated, into a universe of multiple authority holders where translators (in a broad sense) would have to reinvent authoritative presentations of the new text, acting in many ways as vendors of it. This would in itself imply a–brief–authoritative position, comparable to the ‘authority of the seller’ auctoritas venditoris, as expressed in Roman law.


Significance The Silk Road (SiRo) factory is a joint venture between Turkiye Automotive Enterprise Group (TOGG) and China’s Farasis Energy. According to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey is on the way to becoming a global centre for EV production. Impacts Rapid lira depreciation will cause domestic vehicle sales to fall sharply, especially for mid- and upper-range passenger cars. The weak lira will make exports cheaper, boosting sales. Moving into the EV market is essential if Turkey is to retain position in the global auto industry.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-305
Author(s):  
VALERIE HANSEN ◽  
XINJIANG RONG

Textiles, grain, coins; people living in the Silk Road oasis of Turfan, 160 km south-east of Urumqi in today's Xinjiang, used all three items as money between 273 and 769. The city of Gaochang (some 40 km east of today's Turfan) was one of the most important cities on the northern route around the Taklamakan Desert, and many of its inhabitants were buried in the adjacent Astana and Karakhoja graveyards. The region's dry climate has preserved an extensive group of paper documents dating to before, and after, the Tang conquest of the city in 640. The residents of Turfan buried their dead with shoes, belts, hats and clothing made from recycled paper with writing on it. These records offer an unparalleled glimpse of how people living along the Silk Road used textiles as currency.


Afghanistan ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-194
Author(s):  
Warwick Ball

The Silk Road as an image is a relatively new one for Afghanistan. It appeals to both the pre-Islamic and the perceived Islamic past, thus offering an Islamic balance to previous identities linked to Bamiyan or to the Kushans. It also appeals to a broader and more international image, one that has been taken up by many other countries. This paper traces the rise of the image of the Silk Road and its use as a metaphor for ancient trade to encompass all contacts throughout Eurasia, prehistoric, ancient and modern, but also how the image has been adopted and expanded into many other areas: politics, tourism and academia. It is argued here that the origin and popularity of the term lies in late 20th century (and increasingly 21st century) politics rather than any reality of ancient trade. Its consequent validity as a metaphor in academic discussion is questioned


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