Ideology and Praxis in Thomas Sankara’s Populist Revolution of 4 August 1983 in Burkina Faso

1987 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 77-90
Author(s):  
Guy Martin

This article is an inquiry into the origins, the ideological basis, political and economic organization and prospects of the Populist Revolution ushered in Burkina Faso (formerly Upper Volta) by the military coup d’état of 4 August 1983 led by Captain Thomas Sankara. Set against an inauspicious background of scarce resources, dismal poverty, recurrent drought and regional and international hostility, and occurring at a time when Socialism is on the wane in Africa, the coup initially seemed doomed to failure. The very fact that it has been able to survive for almost three years in such an unfavourable context is in itself intriguing. We venture the hypothesis that the relative longevity and temporary success of the Sankara regime is to be explained by the fact that-contrary to many similar socialists experiments-it has actually managed to actively and durably mobilize genuine and significant popular support for its policies.

1978 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 847
Author(s):  
Marvin Goldwert ◽  
John Samuel Fitch

2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nae Young Lee

New democracies face the arduous task of determining how to deal with gross human rights violations committed during their authoritarian pasts, or the “torturer problem,” to quote Samuel P. Huntington (1991). A new democracy can enhance its legitimacy if it brings human rights violators to justice, thus demonstrating the supremacy of democratic values, including the rule of law. By ensuring that no wrongdoer will go unpunished, the democratic regime prevents the danger of a future military coup d'état and future human rights abuses. Equally critical, it strengthens the power base of democratic forces by delegitimizing or even occasioning a purge of key authoritarian leaders, who often wield influence within the institutions of power, including the military, even after democratic transition. Punishing past wrongdoings constitutes an act of preempting a democratic reversal. In this sense, the question of the past becomes a struggle over power with today's authoritarian forces and for the future of third-wave democracy.


Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.


2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 283-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélgio Trindade

The article analyzes the development of social sciences in Brazil from a historical-sociological standpoint as seen through the construction of three disciplines: sociology, anthropology and political science. Beginning with the political and cultural context and the pre-sociology “essayism” phase, the author outlines the initial foundation and institutionalization of the social sciences (1934-64), which started with the foundation of the University of São Paulo and ended with the military coup d’état in 1964. He then goes on to analyze the crisis of the “Populist Republic” and the impact of the ideological radicalization on the social sciences, with an emphasis on the paradox of their simultaneous professionalization and consolidation through research and teaching under the military dictatorship (1965-83). Finally, the author turns to the democratic transition that ended in the “New Republic” (1984-2003), stressing the nationalization of the social sciences and the parallel diversification and split between teaching and research. The analysis of the three historical periods addresses the dynamics of the social sciences and their relationship with the central and the federal states, the hierarchy of disciplines, the dominant topics and international exchange. In conclusion, the author raises the question that is fundamental for the future, that of the crisis of national and international funding for the social sciences.


1980 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Edgar R. Bravo ◽  
John Samuel Fitch

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendra Manurung

This research aims to explain current Myanmar political instability due to the recent military coup d’état on February 1, 2021 led by General Senior Min Aung Hlaing follow with Aung San Suu Kyi and other pro-democracy elite leaders arrests. Domestically, up to present time, after the military coup, most Burmese supporters of Myanmar's democratization such medical doctors, teachers, traders, civilian political leaders, and university students balked and staged massive demonstrations against the military coup and demanded the return of civilian government authority by the military junta government. This research revealed that this unexpected Myanmar phenomenal political situation has impact on Southeast Asia regional security and ASEAN Unity.


2019 ◽  
pp. 133-160
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway

This chapter recounts the stages of the 2011 uprising in Egypt, from the fall of one military dictator to the rise of another. The upheaval ended three decades of sclerotic rule under Hosni Mubarak, and ushered in a brief period of democracy that saw the Muslim Brotherhood triumph in parliamentary and presidential elections for the first time in Egyptian history.After a year of tumultuous rule, Islamic President Mohammed Morsi was ousted in a military coup d’état in 2013thanks to the connivance of self-proclaimed democratic secularists. The new military dictator, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, has set about uprooting all traces of Islamist presence in the country and eliminating all civil society activism as well. His goal has been to turn Egypt back fifty years to restore the military state established by Gamal Abdel Nasser, and imitate his pursuit of costly mega-projects to solve the country’s crushing economic and social problems.


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