Paestan Addenda

1959 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
A. D. Trendall

Since the publication of my Supplement to Paestan Pottery and the short Post-script covering the finds of 1952, some 300 new red-figured vases have come to light as a result of further excavations by Dr. P. C. Sestieri at Paestum in the area around the so-called Basilica and the Temple of Poseidon and of the systematic opening up of the huge fourth century necropoleis to the south of the city at Fuscillo, Spinazzo and Tempa del Prete and to the north in the Gontrade Arcioni, Andriuolo, Laghetto and Gaudo. Some of these sites have yielded painted tombs of the highest importance for our knowledge of fourth-century painting and for the parallels they offer in both subject and style to contemporary vase decoration, and the quantity of pottery they have produced increases more than fivefold the number of vases of certain Paestan provenience and establishes beyond question the location of this fabric at Paestum. Most of the vases belong either to the workshop of Asteas and Python or to the later workshops of the Painters of Naples 1778 and 2585, but one completely new artist—the Floral Painter—has emerged, as well as a good deal more in the Apulianising style of the end of the fourth century, the existence of which was first noted as a result of the finds in 1952.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayra R. Tocto-Erazo ◽  
Daniel Olmos-Liceaga ◽  
José A. Montoya

AbstractThe human movement plays an important rol in the spread of infectious diseases. On an urban scale, people move daily to workplaces, schools, among others. Here, we are interested in exploring the effect of the daily local stay on the variations of some characteristics of dengue dynamics such as the transmission rates and local basic reproductive numbers. For this, we use a two-patch mathematical model that explicitly considers that daily mobility of people and real data from the 2010 dengue outbreak in Hermosillo, Mexico. Based on a preliminary cluster analysis, we divide the city into two regions, the south and north sides, which determine each patch of the model. We use a Bayesian approach to estimate the transmission rates and local basic reproductive numbers of some urban mobility scenarios where residents of each patch spend daily the 100% (no human movement between patches), 75% and 50% of their day at their place of residence. For the north side, estimates of transmission rates do not vary and it is more likely that the local basic reproductive number to be greater than one for all three different scenarios. On the contrary, tranmission rates of the south side have more weight in lower values when consider the human movement between patches compared to the uncoupled case. In fact, local basic reproductive numbers less than 1 are not negligible for the south side. If information about commuting is known, this work might be useful to obtain better estimates of some contagion local properties of a patch, such as the basic reproductive number.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mine Kuset Bolkaner ◽  
Selda İnançoğlu ◽  
Buket Asilsoy

Urban furniture can be defined as aesthetics and comfort elements that reflect the identity of a city and enable the urban space to become livable. Urban furniture is an important element of the city in order to improve the quality of urban life, to create a comfortable and reliable environment and to meet the needs of the users in the best way. For designing these elements, the social, economic, cultural and architectural structure of the city should be considered and evaluated. It is important to adapt the urban furniture to the urban texture and to the cultural structure achieving an urban identity, in order to ensure the survival and sustainability of the historical environments. In this study, a study was carried out in the context of urban furniture in Nicosia Walled City, which has many architectural cultures with its historical texture. In this context, firstly the concept of urban identity and urban furniture was explained and then, information about urban furniture was given in historical circles with urban furniture samples from different countries. As a field study, a main axis was determined and the streets and squares on this axis were discussed. These areas have been explored starting from Kyrenia Gate in North Nicosia; İnönü Square, Girne Street, Atatürk Square, Arasta Square, Lokmacı Barricade and on the south side Ledra Street and Eleftherias Square. In this context, the existing furniture in the North and South were determined and evaluated in terms of urban identity accordingly. As a result, it can be suggested that the existing street furniture equipments, especially on the north side, do not have any characteristic to emphasize the urban identity. According to the findings, it was determined that the urban furniture in the streets and squares on the north side is generally older and neglected, and does not provide a unity with the environment, whereas on the south side, these elements on the street and square are relatively new, functional and environmentally compatible.Key words: urban furniture, historical environment, urban identity, Nicosia Old City


Belleten ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 81 (291) ◽  
pp. 329-372
Author(s):  
Abdullah Mesut Ağır

This study examines the markets in Cairo during the reign of the Mamlūks in the light of al-Makrīzī's Chronicle al-Khitat. Besides those which were built during the Mamlūks era the commercial life were ongoing at the markets dating back to the Fatimids and the Ayyubids periods. The marketplaces generally occupied in al-Qasaba which was between Bāb al-Futūh in the north and Bāb al-Zuwayla in the south was the trading center of the city. Al-Qasaba is al-Mu'izz Street today which takes its name from the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu'izz li-Dinillah (341-364/953-975). The economic and social decline especially seen during the second half of the Mamlūks in the 15th century affected also the domestic markets stability and most of the sûqs disappeared depending on these conditions.


Author(s):  
Anthony Roberts

With Turkic and Tajik peoples to the north, Tajiks and Pashtuns in the west, ethnic Hazaras in the central highlands and the Pashtuns to the south and east, Afghanistan’s diversity stems from its history as a regional crossroads. Christianity began in Afghanistan in the fourth century and was later revived by missionaries in the frontier areas, but there was little concerted effort to spread the faith until after 1945, when the Pashtun monarchy sought to modernise Afghanistan. However, the Soviet invasion prompted fighters to repel the forces under the banner of Islam. Amidst a civil war, Christian NGO’s continued until expelled by the Taliban in 2001. The new government allowed Christian NGO’s to expand into new areas of the country. For the sake of believers’ security the most visible fellowships have been limited to foreigners. Most find it difficult to sustain everyday life in the country while openly professing Christianity due to ostracism from society. While Islam has been linked with Afghan identity, worldview has begun to change. Unfortunately, there has been an exodus of Afghan believers, usually after social and legal ostracism. Nevertheless, due to sacrifices by Afghan believers, the church is growing in numbers despite all the challenges.


Antiquity ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 17 (65) ◽  
pp. 11-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Matheson

In a previous paper (1) an attempt was made to describe the inter-relations of man and bear in Europe from early times to the present day. In many ways the influence of the wolf has been more important than that of the bear on the habits and thoughts of European man. Occasionally it has figured in a favourable light, as in the case of the she-wolf credited with suckling the twin founders of the City on Seven Hills (though even here the double meaning of lupa—applied in a transferative sense to ladies whose character would not bear close investigation—has led some authors to a conjecture which it might not have been politic to mention to any patriotic inhabitant of the grandeur that was Rome). But in general, whether in Italy or elsewhere, no animal has been so hated and feared. Among the ancient Greeks in the south—whose Lyceum at Athens and sanctuary of Apollo Lukeios at Sicyon may have originated in efforts to propitiate the wolves-as among the Letts of the north who, perhaps as late as the 17th century, sacrificed a goat each December to the wolves so that their other livestock might be spared(2) ; from Scotland where priests offered the prayer, quoted by Fittis (3) from the old Litany of Dunkeld, for deliverance ‘from robbers and caterans, from wolves and all wild beasts’, to Russia where peasants pronounced a spell on St. George's Day with the recurring plea, ‘God grant the wolf may not take our cattle‘ (4); the wolf was the great destroyer, the despoiler of flocks and herds and man's chief enemy in the animal world.


Mnemosyne ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-225
Author(s):  
Sarah Pothecary

A number of places that feature in Strabo’s description of the Asian peninsula were situated on the ancient road that ran between the Euphrates river and the city of Ephesus. It is likely that Strabo journeyed along the entire thousand-kilometre length of the road, even though he makes explicit reference to his presence in only a few locations. He most probably made the journey as a youth on his way to Roman Asia, in the south west of the peninsula, from Pontus in the north. Decades pass before Strabo, as an old man, writes the Geography and includes in it the memories of places he had visited. The outdated tone of some of his descriptions reflects this passage of time.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 281-281
Author(s):  
Sinclair Hood

The slopes of Ailias beyond the Kairatos stream to the east of the Minoan city have so far largely escaped the intensive vineyard cultivation that has swallowed so much of the land round Knossos. Isolated tombs and cemeteries (e.g. Knossos Survey 58, 95, 96) have been explored on these slopes due east and north of the Palace of Minos, but virtually nothing has yet been recorded from the area to the south. Minoan sherds on the surface of the fields opposite the Temple Tomb, however, suggest the possible existence of tombs in this area.In 1951 on the lower slopes here on land belonging to Evstratios Sarikis a hole was dug to plant an olive tree, leading to the removal of some large stones and disclosing a right-angled cut in the rock, which was noticed by the sharp and practised eye of Spiro Vasilakis. Two years later with the permission of Dr. Platon, Ephor of Antiquities for Crete, I cleared the cutting during the course of the School's excavations in the Middle Minoan cemetery higher on the slopes of Ailias to the north. The cutting, which was rectangular, measuring 1·90 × 1·40 at the bottom, and 1·20 deep from the surface of the rock at the highest point in the south-east corner, is perhaps best explained as a plundered Minoan shaft-grave, although no sign of a burial or of any grave goods was found in it. It was entirely filled below the level of the rock surface with large blocks of the local limestone, several of them worked, and including a slab which might have served as the covering for a shaft-grave, and a pyramid with a square socket in the top (A on the plan, Fig. I ), evidently the base for some ritual object like a double axe.


2017 ◽  
Vol 103 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-151
Author(s):  
Barry Kemp

The spring 2017 season at Amarna focused on excavation at the large pit-grave cemetery adjacent to the North Tombs, the results of which support the suggestion, made after an initial field season in 2015, that this is a cemetery for a labour force involved in building and maintaining the city of Akhetaten. Post-excavation work was also undertaken on pottery from the Stone Village, reliefwork from Kom el-Nana and a new study of burial textiles from the South Tombs Cemetery.


1948 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 152-155
Author(s):  
R. E. Wycherley

The stoa investigated by the Americans in the N.W. corner of the agora of Athens has won with good reason a notable place among ancient monuments, both as a subject of topographical controversy and as an interesting architectural type. I should like to turn to it again for a short time and in particular to examine at greater length than was possible in a brief review C. Anti's theory of its genesis, given in Chap. IX of his Teatri Greci Arcaici. As the non-committal name given to it in my heading shows, I should like for the present to steer clear as far as possible of the difficult problem of its identification. Anti confidently assumes that the building was the Stoa Basileios; indeed his theory of the origin of the type depends partly on the correctness of this assumption. But the identification has been the subject of a good deal of dispute; even H. A. Thompson, while putting forward with sober confidence his view that the stoa is both the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios and the Basileios, admits in the end that ‘an element of uncertainty must persist’. I accept Thompson's view, but certainly not with sufficient confidence to use it as a corner-stone in building up any theory. It is very distracting when one finds that whereas Anti links up his Royal Stoa with oriental palaces, A. Rumpf looks the other way in space and time and regards his Royal Stoa (a building of very different type—the spacious hypostyle hall west of the North-West Stoa and north of the temple of Hephaestus) as the Stammutter of the Roman basilica. ‘They ran away in opposite directions, and vanished to the east and to the west.’ Both of course use the name Basileios to support their identifications. One may perhaps be excused for giving up the riddle for a while and concentrating on the architectural form of the North-West stoa as we undoubtedly have it.


1958 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 30-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. G. Goodchild ◽  
J. M. Reynolds ◽  
C. J. Herington

Cyrene's largest religious building, the great Temple of Zeus on the north-eastern hill of the city, has been the subject of several explorations. Its cella was partially dug out by Smith and Porcher in 1861, and was completely cleared of soil by the late Giacomo Guidi in 1926, in the excavation which brought to light the famous head of Zeus, pieced together from over a hundred fragments. Then, in the years 1939–1942, fuller work was carried out by Dr. Gennaro Pesce, who published a detailed report with admirable promptness. Despite the interruptions caused by the North African campaigns of the World War, Pesce was able to clear the greater part of the Temple and its fallen peristasis. At the conclusion of his work only the opisthodomos remained unexcavated, although much fallen stone still encumbered the pronaos and the eastern portico.


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