The horrible and ultimate Britons: Catullus 11.11

1984 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 74-78
Author(s):  
David Mckie

When, in the third stanza of Catullus' Sapphic poem 11, the tradition preserved by our earliest manuscripts (O, G, R) presented the textsiue trans altas gradietur AlpesCaesaris uisens monimenta magniGallicum Rhenum horribilesque 11ultimosque BritannosR2 (Salutati) quickly restored metre to line 12 by transferring ulti– to line 11. At the same time he erased the –que of horribilesque, improving the sense, as we shall see, but leaving the line deficient by one syllable. This was the first recognition of the conflicting demands of sense and scansion in the line, as present in the twentieth as they were in the fourteenth century. Salutati made many such alterations in R, often with an eye to metre, but no manuscript authority lies behind them and we are free to accept or reject his corrections on their own merits. With the first only of these two accepted (as is normal), the lines present us with the notorious crux:Gallicum Rhenum horribilesque ulti–mosque Britannos

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
JILL ROSS

This article examines the role of French language and culture in the fourteenth-century Arthurian text, La Faula, by the Mallorcan, Guillem de Torroella. Reading the appropriation of French language and literary models through the lens of earlier thirteenth-century Occitan resistance to French political and cultural hegemony, La Faula’s use of French dialogue becomes significant in light of the political tensions in the third quarter of the fourteenth century that saw the conquest of the Kingdom of Mallorca by that of Catalonia-Aragon and the subsequent imposition of Catalano-Aragonese political and cultural power. La Faula’s clear intertextual debt to French literary models and its simultaneous ambivalence about the authority and reliability of those models makes French language into a space for the exploration of the dynamics of cultural appropriation and political accommodation that were constitutive of late fourteenth-century Mallorca.


Balcanica ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 79-102
Author(s):  
Boris Milosavljevic

Medieval Serbian philosophy took shape mostly through the process of translating Byzantine texts and revising the Slavic translations. Apart from the Aristotelian terminological tradition, introduced via the translation of Damascene?s Dialectic, there also was, under the influence of the Corpus Areopagiticum and ascetic literature, notably of John Climacus? Ladder, another strain of thought originating from Christian Platonism. Damascene?s philosophical chapters, or Dialectic, translated into medieval Serbian in the third quarter of the fourteenth century, not only shows the high standards of translation technique developed in Serbian monastic scriptoria, but testifies to a highly educated readership interested in such a complex theologico-philosophical text with its nuanced terminology. A new theological debate about the impossibility of knowing God led to Gregory Palamas? complex text, The Exposition of the Orthodox Faith. Philosophical texts were frequently copied and much worked on in medieval Serbia, but it is difficult to infer about the actual scope of their influence on the formation and articulation of the worldview of medieval society. As a result of their demanding theoretical complexity, the study of philosophy was restricted to quite narrow monastic, court and urban circles. However, the strongest aspect of the influence of Byzantine thought on medieval society was the liturgy as the central social event of the community. It was through the liturgy that the wording of the translated texts influenced the life of medieval Serbian society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Schabel

In the third decade of the fourteenth century, the first definitive steps were taken to replace Aristotle’s theory of projectile motion and to apply the new theory to explain finite motion in a vacuum. The main actors in this shift were the Franciscan theologians Francis of Marchia, Gerald Odonis, and Nicholas Bonet, as well as Francesc Marbres, the artist formerly known as ‘John the Canon,’ but there is some confusion about their respective roles. Over the past decade, critical editions and manuscript studies of the pertinent texts of Marchia, Odonis, and Marbres have provided the raw materials to straighten out what some have considered the early background to the Galilean theory of projectile motion.



Queeste ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-185
Author(s):  
Remco Sleiderink

Summary A hitherto unknown fragment of Jacob van Maerlant’s Historie van Troyen has been discovered in the binding of a composite volume of three post-incunables in the library of the Abbey of Berne in Heeswijk-Dinther, Netherlands. It is the nineteenth text witness of Maerlant’s text, which was already known as the most widely spread chivalric story in Middle Dutch, although only one complete manuscript has survived. This article offers a first edition of the tiny fragment (25 incomplete lines on each side) and discusses its variants in comparison with the complete manuscript and one other fragment with which it shows overlap. The new fragment seems to be the only known remnant of this manuscript, which probably had three columns per page (56 lines each). The form of the letters suggests that it dates from the first quarter of the fourteenth century, which makes it the third-oldest text witness of the Historie van Troyen. The linguistic characteristics of the verses suggest that this manuscript was written in the county of Flanders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-218
Author(s):  
Kathryn Walls

Abstract The likening of the lark to the Christian worshipper as in Herbert’s “Easter Wings” was anticipated by both Spenser and Shakespeare in references that have been overlooked to date. These stand in a tradition most richly represented by the early fourteenth- century French allegorist Guillaume de Deguileville, in his Pèlerinage de l’Ame, in which the pilgrim soul, guided towards the gate of Heaven by his guardian angel, finds himself surrounded by larks whose cruciform shapes in flying match their singing of the name “Jhesu.” Having fallen for the second time when fighting the dragon, Spenser’s Red Cross Knight rises on the third morning to find himself victorious. In his rising he is compared with the lark at dawn. The Edenic setting (which underlines the theme of the redemption of “fallen” man by the risen Christ) is also illuminated by Deguileville’s Ame; Spenser’s two trees are reminiscent of the “green and the dry” in the French allegory, according to which Christ appears as the apple pinned to the dry tree in reparation for the apple stolen by Adam. When one examines Shakespeare’s reference to the lark in Sonnet 29 in the light of the tradition represented by Deguileville (whose work not only Spenser but also Shakespeare might have read in English translation) the question arises as to whether the beloved addressed in line 10 (“thee”) could be Christ, and the speaker a Christian worshipper moving from self reproach to Christian gratitude. Such an interpretation is challenged by the standard assumption that the sonnets reflect a narrative produced by a love triangle. But from Petrarch’s Canzoniere on, sequences of love sonnets had contained poems of religious adoration.


1956 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 21-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. S. Offler

Inthe early months of 1327 the communities of the Angevin kingdom of Sicily were ordered to send representatives to Naples, there to discuss means of opposing ‘the lord Lewis, duke of Bavaria:qui in Italiam transire disposuit et regnum Sicilie invadere, servans antiquum odium belli et interitus Corradini.’ The reference to the last Hohenstaufen in this contemporary comment on Lewis' Italian enterprise is at first sight surprising. During the half-century following Conradin's execution the prestige of the empire in German hands had fallen steeply in the estimation of western Europe; all the activity of Dante's emperor could not disguise that fact. From time to time the Angevins at Naples urged the abolition of the institution, as something of which the usefulness was now outworn. Other solutions were being talked of, such as the setting up of a separate hereditary kingdom in Lombardy or the transference by election or papal provision of the imperial title to the ruling house of France. Perhaps too much importance has been attributed to some of these schemes, though there is no reason to doubt the seriousness of French ambitions to acquire as much as possible of the western possessions of the empire. But their frequent recurrence, together with the known weakness of the German kingship, does indicate a climate uncongenial to a repetition of the themes of Hohenstaufen imperialism by a German ruler in the third decade of the fourteenth century. Consequently Lewis' conflict with the papacy has an anachronistic air. Long ago Gregorovius cast a stereotype destined to wear well, when he wrote that ‘this afterpiece’ was saved from being ‘an utterly unbearable caricature of a great past’ only by the ‘progress of human thought’ with which it was associated.


Author(s):  
Vadim V. Maiko ◽  

First time in the scholarship, this paper has analysed Byzantine imported monograms from mediaeval Sougdaia, which appeared on glazed vessels of the Elaborate Incised Ware produced in Constantinople or its environs. With the mediation of Genoese traders, a small number of this pottery was delivered to the markets of the cities in the Crimean peninsula, Sougdaia in particular. So far, many-year-long archaeological excavations discovered seven monograms of the kind, which belonged to three widely known Byzantine types. It should be mentioned that, as it has already been stated in the scholarship, the monograms with the name Michael predominate, though the other types are very few in number. Two typologically similar signs more, showing a double cross with diamond-shaped rays, are traditionally interpreted not as monograms but as ornamental elements typical of the war in question. Using the analysis of analogies and similar images, an attempt has been made to analyse and interpret this sign. All the finds under study originate from four archaeological contexts of mediaeval Sougdaia. Three of them possess a reliable dating to the third quarter of the fourteenth century, and the fourth specimen existed from the mid-fourteenth century to 1475.


Aethiopica ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 56-80
Author(s):  
Maria Bulakh ◽  
Leonid Kogan
Keyword(s):  

In Aethiopica 16 and 17, the first and the second sheets of the al-Malik al-Afḍal’s fourteenth-century Arabic–Ethiopic Glossary have been analysed. The present paper offers the results of the analysis of the third—and last—sheet of the Glossary and contains all identifications which differ from those offered by F.-C. Muth in his pioneering article. This amounts to 74 entries from the third sheet of the Glossary, whose identification in Muth’s publication is either missing altogether or not sufficiently convincing.


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