Reflections on Israel

Worldview ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-52
Author(s):  
Michael Novak

During those ominous early hours and indecisive days of the war of Yom Kippur, many American Jews were surprised by the depth of their fears concerning the fate of Israel. Such Jews had thought of themselves as powerful, detached, integrated into the larger American society. Suddenly they could not be certain that their colleagues and friends shared the secret dread they began to feel: the nightmare of another possible holocaust.Christian leaders have sometimes seemed to treat Israel as though it presented an anguishing moral problem: “The question has two sides. There are complexities. Jewish military spirit seems a trifle pushy. Think of the poor, Third-World Arab refugees.” One anguishes about sorting out the truly moral thing to do.

Worldview ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (12) ◽  
pp. 12-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iqbal Akhund

The subject of nuclear energy, arousing hope and anxiety in almost equal degree, is of interest to all mankind. Of late, however, attention has focused on the implications of the spread of nuclear power and technology to Third World countries, and in that context the views of Pakistan—a developing country with similar economic compulsions—may be of some general interest.Thirty years after Hiroshima-Nagasaki one sees nuclear energy being used beneficently all over the world in research institutions and hospitals, in farms and factories. But a number of recent developments have reawakened the fear and moral doubt concerning man's capacity to make wise use of the terrible power his intelligence has unleashed: the explosion by India of a nuclear device in 1974; disclosures about the real risks of accidents in power reactors; and the fear that terrorists, political or’ criminal, may obtain recourse to nuclear bombs to further their ends.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (9) ◽  
pp. 1167-1172 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Juan Vázquez ◽  
Isabel Pascual ◽  
Sonia Panadero

From information supplied by 1,092 university students from countries with different levels of development, in this work we developed an up-to-date instrument to allow the causes of poverty in developing countries to be studied. Taking the Causes of Third World Poverty Questionnaire (CTWPQ; Harper, 2002), the most widely used instrument for this purpose as the starting point, and taking into account contributions made by other authors, The Causes of Poverty in Developing Countries Questionnaire (CPDCQ) was developed. It is an instrument of 20 items organized into 5 factors: “Blame causes within developing countries”, “Blame causes external to developing countries”, “Blame attributed to developing countries' populations”, “Blame attributed to developing countries' services”, and “Blame attributed to the poor distribution of land in developing countries”.


1978 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
Javed A. Ansari

THE United Nations Conference on Trade and Development came nto existence in 1964. Its creation was viewed with a degree of cautious enthusiasm by the Third World and with a certain amount of apprehension by the rich countries. Its performance has dampened the enthusiasm and heightened the apprehension. Its contribution to substantive changes in trade policies has not been spectacular. Whatever improvement in commodity prices and hence in the terms of trade of the poor countries that occurred in the early 1970s was attributable to fortuitous circumstances – not to a negotiated settlement between the rich and poor countries, enabling the latter to retain a larger portion of the gains from trade. Can we3 therefore3 say that UNGTAD has been ineffective? That it has failed to perform its global task? And if so, what is the cause of this failure? Is the organizational ideology unsuitable in the sense that it is not representative of the national objectives of viable coalitions among UNGTAD constituents? Or has the leadership failed to evolve a strategy which links the pursuit of specific sub-goals to the transformation of the system in accordance with the organizational ideology? This present paper attempts to look at the first question and to venture an opinion on the effectiveness of UNGTAD in the light of these findings.


Cities ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-325
Author(s):  
Ferco Öry ◽  
Forbes Davidson
Keyword(s):  

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonia Panadero ◽  
José Juan Vázquez

The aim of this paper was to analyze the factorial structure of the Causes of Third World Poverty Questionnaire (CTWPQ; Harper, 2002) in Spanish-speaking samples from two countries at different levels of development: Spain (developed nation) and Nicaragua (developing nation). In the English-speaking samples, the instrument displayed a factorial structure composed of four factors: “Blame the poor,” “Blame Third World governments,” “Blame nature,” and “Blame exploitation” (Harper, Wagstaff, Newton, & Harrison, 1990). Bolitho, Carr, and Fletcher (2007) have since added a fifth factor: “Blame conflict”. In the Spanish-speaking samples, a factorial structure composed of five factors can be observed. The factors are very similar to those obtained from the English-speaking samples.


1990 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. J. Bastomsky

In his book, The Roman Empire (Fontana History of the Ancient World Series), Colin Wells mentions incomes and the cost of living in first-century Italy. He concludes that a wage of 4 sesterces a day was an ‘absolute maximum’ and goes on to comment that ‘it is hard to tell whether the discrepancy between the really rich and the labouring poor was greater in some third-world countries today, or in Victorian England… To prove his point Wells gives £300,000 per annum for the Marquess of Bute as an example of an enormous income in the nineteenth century, though he does not tell us what the poor would have earned then.


2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas E. Bergler

AbstractDuring the 1930s and 1940s, the Great Depression and the rise of communism and fascism in Europe convinced a broad spectrum of Americans that they were living through a prolonged “crisis of civilization” with real potential to destroy all they held dear. Meanwhile, they saw evidence that these global problems put young people especially at risk for immorality, loss of hope, and political subversion. Because the “youth problem” and the “world crisis” seemed to be inextricably linked, even the everyday behaviors of young people took on a heightened political significance in the eyes of many adults. Christian leaders from across the spectrum of churches—Mainline Protestant, Evangelical, Roman Catholic, and African American—did not just capitalize on this obsession with youth and the fate of civilization; they did all they could to fan those flames. They did so not cynically, but sincerely, believing that they could and should save the world by saving American youth. Yet these leaders were also making a bid for influence in American society and for control of the future of their churches. The resulting politicized views of youth and youth work would not only influence the outcomes of internal church battles, but they would also shape how various Christian groups responded to the Cold War.


Hundreds of millions of people are suffering from m alnutrition and starvation in the Third World, the largest of our worlds. Tens of millions die each year from these causes. Population grow this exponential; growth of food production, at best, is in arithmetic progression, and the gap is rapidly widening. W e need more than scientific training if such immense problem s are to be solved. In fact, our scientific and technical training may have left us with some flawed tools. Droughts are implicit in m any of our volatile climates; persistent droughts are also a characteristic of nature and famine is their consequence. W e need to be able to show and to feel that food is worth growing. Aid by the developed nations to the developing nations will not work in the long term without considerable changes in the cultures and technical skills of the poor.


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Yaakov Ariel

The article examines Allen Ginsberg’s cultural and spiritual journeys, and traces the poet’s paths as foreshadowing those of many American Jews of the last generation. Ginsberg was a unique individual, whose choices were very different other men of his era. However, it was larger developments in American society that allowed him to take steps that were virtually unthinkable during his parents’ generation and were novel and daring in his time as well. In his childhood and adolescence, Ginsberg grew up in a Jewish communist home, which combined socialist outlooks with mild Jewish traditionalism. The poet’s move from communism and his search for spirituality started already at Columbia University of the 1940s, and continued throughout his life. Identifying with many of his parents’ values and aspirations, Ginsberg wished to transcend beyond his parents’ Jewish orbit and actively sought to create an inclusive, tolerant, and permissive society where persons such as himself could live and create at ease. He chose elements from the Christian, Jewish, Native-American, Hindu, and Buddhist traditions, weaving them together into an ever-growing cultural and spiritual quilt. The poet never restricted his choices and freedoms to one all-encompassing system of faith or authority. In Ginsberg’s understanding, Buddhism was a universal, non-theistic religion that meshed well with an individualist outlook, and offered personal solace and mindfulness. He and other Jews, who followed his example, have seen no contradiction between practicing Buddhism and Jewish identity and have not sensed any guilt. Their Buddhism has been Western, American, and individualistic in its goals, meshing with other interests and affiliations. In that, Ginsberg served as a model and forerunner to a new kind of Jew, who takes pride in his heritage, but wished to live his life socially, culturally and spiritually in an open and inclusive environment, exploring and enriching herself beyond the Jewish fold. It has become an almost routine Jewish choice, reflecting the values, and aspirations of many in the Jewish community, including those who chose religious venues within the declared framework of the Jewish community.


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