"The Smile of Lenin": Inside Cuba's Revolution

Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (7) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
Lorrin Philipson

The recent frantic scramble for freedom by thousands of Cubans via the Peruvian embassy and in chaotically dispatched boats is an eruption of long-simmering anguish, not a sudden, new development. But the island might just as well be in the China Sea as ninety miles from the U.S., considering how little is known or acknowledged about life under the Revolution. There are several reasons for the misconceptions that have prevailed these twenty years. Castro's brilliantly orchestrated propaganda managed to conceal the darker realities, while in the U.S. the shrillness of right-wing attacks detracted from their credibility. Then there were the leftists, most of whom regarded Cuba as sacred territory: One did not dare criticize Castro's regime for fear of dooming revolution elsewhere.

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-48
Author(s):  
Igor Tanchyn ◽  
◽  
Halyna Lutsyshyn ◽  

Challenge ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-43
Author(s):  
Stephen Rousseas

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-207
Author(s):  
Febry Triantama ◽  
Yoga Pangestu

The Singapore government since 2000 has stated their goals to have a strong and capable Singapore Armed Forces (SAF). The urgency of having a strong and capable SAF cannot be separated from the multidimensional threats that Singapore has to deal with. China's growing military capability coupled with increased aggressiveness in the South China Sea and relations with two conflicting neighbors are examples of traditional threats facing Singapore. Non-traditional threats, especially terrorism, also haunt Singapore. This article argues that the Revolution in Military Affairs implemented by Singapore is the mitigation of such strategic disadvantage. Through the implementation of the Revolution in Military Affairs which was marked by the acquisition of advanced weaponry technology and followed by changes in military doctrine and organizational adaptation, the SAF has already been transformed into a powerful military in the region.


Author(s):  
MaryBe McMillan

This chapter reflects on the challenges and opportunities of building workers' power in North Carolina. To change the political balance of the nation, this chapter argues, we must change the South, which is gaining in jobs, population, and political influence. Home to more than a third of the U.S. population, the region is larger than the Northeast and Midwest combined. Political representatives from the South disproportionately contribute to right-wing agendas, including right-to-work, low wages, and voter suppression. The chapter outlines essential strategies for organizing in the South, or in any right-to-work states with hostile political climates. First, start small and dream big; second, issues of race and gender equality must be addressed; third, unions must build strong locals and unite with community allies. Finally, the labor movement, including central labor councils and state federations, must build political power.


Food Fights ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 162-186
Author(s):  
Sarah Ludington

From its founding, the U.S. government has promoted agriculture, and since the Great Depression, has directly supported farm incomes and crop prices. Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal programs linked farm subsidies to food assistance for the poor, a politically successful combination then and now. Sarah Ludington describes how the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), through the Farm Bill, became responsible for school lunches, food stamps, and land conservation in addition to billions of dollars in subsidies for commodity crops like corn and cotton. Now a target for both the right wing and left wing of American politics, the Farm Bill continues to embody the tensions at the heart of American agriculture.


2020 ◽  
pp. 144-162
Author(s):  
Ronald F. Inglehart

Economic and physical insecurity encourage xenophobia, authoritarian politics, and rigid adherence to traditional norms. Throughout history human survival was usually insecure, and one successful strategy was to close ranks behind a strong leader. Recovery from the Nazi era took time, but by the 1970s a pro-democratic political culture had taken root in Germany, and by the 21st century Germany was ranked as more democratic than the U.S. In 2015, as desperate Syrian refugees poured into Europe, the German government opened the country’s borders to all asylum seekers, admitting almost a million new immigrants. But Germany’s immunity to xenophobic right-wing parties suddenly ended in the 2017 national elections, when the xenophobic Alternative for Germany became Germany’s third largest party. It seems that no country can absorb an unlimited influx of immigrants without triggering a xenophobic reaction, whose strength is shaped by the socioeconomic environment. In already diverse settings, significant inflows of newcomers may not seem threatening because people have grown up with diversity, making it seem normal.


Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (8) ◽  
pp. 21-23
Author(s):  
Jeremiah Novak

For the past four years right-wing and left-wing organizations in the United States have been aware of a new foreign policy establishment known as the Trilateral Commission. This group, founded by David Rockefeller, is comprised largely of corporate executives from Western Europe, Japan, and the U.S. Jimmy Carter, Walter Mondale, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Cyrus Vance, as well as seventeen other members and former members of the Carter administration, belonged to this group before they took office. Key political figures in the governments of Japan and Western Europe also belong, as do John Anderson, George Bush, and Henry Kissinger.


Worldview ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 18-20
Author(s):  
John B. Wolf
Keyword(s):  
The U.S ◽  

In June, 1976, U.S. Ambassador Francis Meloy and his economic counselor were assassinated in Beirut by Palestinian sympathizers. In August, 1980, as U.S. Ambassador John Gunther Dean was driving to his residence in a suburb of Lebanon's capital, his bullet-proof car was riddled with machine-gun fire—this attempt on his life later claimed by the "Front for the Liberation of Lebanon From Foreigners," a right-wing and pro-Christian group that accused the U.S. of aiding the Palestinians. Between 1978 and 1982 factions tied to Palestinian guerrillas fired rockets at the U.S. embassy on four separate occasions. In April, 1983, the bombing of the embassy, took a toll of sixty-three lives; the first group to claim "credit" was a littleknown pro-Iranian faction


Leonardo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (5) ◽  
pp. 486-492
Author(s):  
Rebecca Dalvesco

Since the end of World War II, the U.S. government has embraced the rhetoric of the peaceful use of the atom. Following the government’s lead, architect-designer-philosopher Richard Buckminster Fuller espoused similar ideas. Like U.S. President Lyndon Johnson and other “atoms for peace” enthusiasts, Fuller thought that the revolution then occurring in architecture was an outgrowth of the peaceful atom. And, like Johnson, Fuller believed that technology based on the atom did not just favor Americans but could be applied for the benefit of all humanity. Fuller thought atomic technology could help extend humankind’s knowledge base and thus be applied to develop better architecture. This article explains how Fuller, like politicians of the time, believed that the potential for fearful products of destruction—of war and its weaponry—could be applied for peacetime applications, particularly when designing his geodesic dome, including his Expo ’67 pavilion.


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