How Does Japan Perceives China as an Adversary?

A China-Japan grim relationship has been marked by conflicts, and other political security tensions for a long time. One of which is the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute occurring since 2012, it will become an issue for both countries that is difficult to be ironed out. The dispute has occurred since the Japanese government nationalized the islets, which China also claimed. It led to both countries' expansion of military power and a clash in East Asia. This essay aims to analyze how Japan perceives China by focusing on the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute. This article argues Japan perceives China as a threat due to China’s military penetration over Diaoyu/Senkaku islands leading to a strategic distrust of Japan and its uncertain behavior as an international relations actor led to a moral distrust of Japan. This phenomenon will likely raise the tension in the region and enhance the escalation possibility due to the security dilemma effect.

How COVID-19 Pandemic Bolsters China’s Influence Toward Hegemonic Race In ASEAN?

The Covid-19 outbreak that occurred at the end of 2019 added to a long series of global crises at a time when the trade war was still ongoing. The epidemic then quickly spread throughout the world. Southeast Asia is no exception. The presence of this epidemic in Southeast Asia adds to the intensity of the struggle for hegemony between the United States and China. Vaccine diplomacy from China, the United States, and ASEAN itself presents its own dynamics for the competition for hegemony in this region from the two countries. This paper uses a qualitative method approach, where the author presents a critical review of the current dynamics. While the theoretical basis, the author uses the theory of hegemony through non-traditional security approach instruments centered on the vaccine diplomacy competition conducted by two superpower countries. The results show how the dynamics of the superiority of China's vaccine diplomacy are important points and provide broad projections of a new chapter in the struggle for hegemony in Southeast Asia.

Global Eclectic Treatment of Covid-19: Global, Regional, and National Perspectives on Common Enemy

After being called the UN's, COVID-19 has become a global common enemy today. The escalation of the pandemic has been responded to nationally, regionally, as well as globally. However, the efforts of the United Nations as the most significant international organization are interpreted differently at the regional and national levels. That way, there will be a gap in understanding between the handling of COVID-19 at the global, regional, and national levels. Therefore, this paper discusses further how the COVID-19 as a common global enemy is reflected in regional and national actions against this pandemic? The global eclectic theory is explored to explain how global concepts relate to more specific concepts. Comparing the COVID-19 handling policies in ASEAN, SAARC, and the EU is needed to deeply explain the differences in handling the outbreak in each region. The result shows that common enemies do not automatically reflect joint regional action. National interest is still challenging to consolidate at the regional, furthermore global level. Moreover, cultural differences between countries cannot be reduced quickly in global matters.

The Strategy of Power Politics of the Philippines in Facing China in the South China Sea Conflict

The South China Sea conflict has involved many parties, including the Philippines. In defending one of the most strategic islands, the Spratly Islands, the Philippines has exerted its hard power by increasing its military power strategy. By engaging the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and working with the U.S., the Philippines can increase its military power. The prior studies have only explored how the dispute in SCS is caused by maritime growth, and some have found the effective way to solve the issue is from the liberal perspective. This study uses a power politics approach to the Philippines' strategy to defend the Spratly Islands and its surroundings in the South China Sea dispute. It analyzes the Philippines' interests in the Spratly islands. The research was conducted using qualitative methods through literature study, and the data were analyzed, then described to obtain a complete picture of the answers to the problems studied. This finding explores how the Philippines' defense strategy works and how it is generated. The results of this study indicate that the defense strategy in the Spratly Islands is generated by the national interests of the Philippines, especially in the economic field.

India’s Withdrawal from Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)

The Sino-US competition in the Indo-Pacific has become a central issue in international relations and how the competition of both countries affects state behavior. This article attempts to provide explanations of India's behavior in deciding to leave the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement by using the neoclassical realism theory. Neoclassical realism believes that the actors' behavior is influenced by the constellation of international structures and domestic constellations. India's exit from RCEP was influenced by structural changes in the Indo-Pacific region, with the loss of China's balance of power marked by the withdrawal of the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Moreover, the condition has been exacerbated by the pressure received by Narendra Modi at the domestic level with the emergence of rejection of India's involvement in RCEP. It has influenced Narendra Modi's perception, who was active in the region with the two factors above, decided to resign from RCEP.

Inequity in International Climate Change Negotiations

The adoption of international climate agreements requires thorough negotiation between parties. This study aims to analyse the inequities between developed and developing countries in climate negotiations. This was done through a scrutiny of the main stages of these negotiations from the Rio Conference to the advent of the Paris Agreement. Our analysis has shown pervasive inequities along the climate negotiations over time. The UNFCCC made a qualitative separation between developed and developing countries in the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. Furthermore, the Kyoto Protocol emphasized this with the commitment of developed countries to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions by at least 5%. The Kyoto Protocol by introducing flexibility mechanisms such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) contributed to increase inequalities. The Paris Agreement has increased inequity by requesting each country to submit nationally determined contributions (NDCs) even though the global emission of developing countries remains very low. The negotiation style of developing countries is mostly limited to compromise and accommodation to the desires of the powerful states, as is the case in most international cooperation. The reality of the climate change negotiations mirrors the inequalities between developed and developing nations.

Trickle-Down Economics Arthur Lewis dan Ekonomi Pembangunan Wisata Gunung Bromo di Desa Ngadisari, Kabupaten Probolinggo, Jawa Timur Tahun 2017-2018

In this paper, we will examine if trickle-down effect has ever taken in rural Indonesia. One of the case draws attention in economic development study is poverty and income gap from wealthiest people to the less fortunate larger group of people. The argument goes as trickle-down effect appears to be best solution to eradicate poverty as well as to solve the income gap. Tourism has become of a strategy targeted by government to spread the trickle-down effect to the less fortunate larger group of people. Government believes by sustaining the growth on tourism would accelerate the trickle-down effect and brings less fortunate group of people to better living. In its fundamental theory, trickle- down effect has offered delusion where jobs would be created as the conditions are met. However, this paper argues that even in tourism the trickle-down effect strategy has served less for what it has promised. Through qualitative research in Ngadisari Village, a remote area, where Mount Bromo has been a tourism landmark globally, this paper finds that trickle-down effect has come with little benefit to uplift the living standard of the poor. Thus, trickle- down effect has served only as delusions of growth government has ever aspired.

Disaster Diplomacy of South Korea toward North Korea as Efforts to Create Peace in the Korean Peninsula (2017 – 2020)

This paper aims to analyze the reason why South Korea as a North Korea rival in the Koreanpeninsula willing to give aid toward North Korea. The tension in Korean peninsula has happened since a long time ago especially after the cold war between USA & USSR. The conflict event become worst because of North Korea always threatening South Korea by testing the Nuclear missile. Despite of what North Korea done in the region, South Korea still gave abundance of aid in term of health assistance, food, and others basis of human necessity. By using qualitative approach and collecting data from credible literature resource and using the concept of disaster diplomacy this research found that South Korea has special type in term of conflict resolution, South Korea often using soft diplomacy and negotiation in order to creating peace. South Korea also believe positive peace diplomacy should be implementing in order make better condition in Korean peninsula. This research also believe that the actor has a big impact in successfully to support better condition between both countries and strengthening the relation. Lastly, this paper proof if in order to win in some competition not always using hard diplomacy or military power.

Dampak Prinsip-Prinsip Dasar ASEAN Terhadap Pola Kerjasama ASEAN Menghadapi Krisis Kudeta Myanmar

ASEAN as a regional organization has fundamental principles that underlie all activities carried out by member countries. This basic principle was recorded in the TAC (Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia) in 1976. However, in February 2021, one of the ASEAN member countries, Myanmar, was facing a crisis caused by a coup by the Myanmar military. ASEAN has a fundamental principle that keeps member countries from interfering with each other. However, the Myanmar crisis could affect other member countries and ASEAN cooperation. This study aims to determine the pattern of ASEAN cooperation in dealing with the Myanmar crisis under the basic principles of ASEAN. The research method used is a case study method with this type of research as qualitative research. This paper concludes that ASEAN principles which contrasting to the issues that currently occur make it difficult for ASEAN to make a foreign policy-making approach to the issue of the Myanmar military coup. In addition, this paper also concludes that to overcome the limits given by these basic principles, ASEAN takes an approach through the ASEAN Way of Diplomacy.

China's Digital Silk Road: The Loss for Indonesia

One of China’s great projects in the current digital era, namely the Digital Silk Road (DSR) project, merits an examination from a Gramscian lens. While liberals are talking about how this project can beneficially the partner’s country, Gramsci’s thought can provide the other perspective in understanding how this project can give unexpected costs for the partner country. As the biggest market in Southeast Asia’s country, Indonesia is worth the attention related to this issue as this country has become one of the strategic partners of China’s DSR. However, DSR is offering both economic benefits and multi-faceted costs simultaneously for Indonesia. Hence, this study argues that the DSR project, in Gramsci lens, is giving a push for China to spread its hegemony and take over the domination in the Indonesian economy. This study is supported by the qualitative research method with the data is collected through secondary data and literature review.