Movement Toward Democracy in South Korea

Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (10) ◽  
pp. 24-27
Author(s):  
Edward A. Olsen

For better or worse United States foreign policy is now identified with human rights, setting moral standards for other nations. Human rights guidelines have become a screen filtering Washington's relations with virtually all countries. Among the most controversial of these is South Korea, where we are accused on the one hand of condoning human rights violations in order to protect our regional security interests and on the other of undercutting our security interests by pressing human rights policies that weaken South Korea.

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham

Between 1890 and 1914, the United States acquired overseas colonies, built a battleship fleet, and intervened increasingly often in Latin America and East Asia. This activism is often seen as the precursor to the country's role as a superpower after 1945 but actually served very different goals. In contrast to its pursuit of a relatively liberal international economic order after 1945, the United States remained committed to trade protection before 1914. Protectionism had several important consequences for American foreign policy on both economic and security issues. It led to a focus on less developed areas of the world that would not export manufactured goods to the United States instead of on wealthier European markets. It limited the tactics available for promoting American exports, forcing policymakers to seek exclusive bilateral agreements or unilateral concessions from trading partners instead of multilateral arrangements. It inhibited political cooperation with other major powers and implied an aggressive posture toward these states. The differences between this foreign policy and the one the United States adopted after 1945 underscore the critical importance not just of the search for overseas markets but also of efforts to protect the domestic market.


1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Morgenthau

Of the seeming and real innovations which the modern age has introduced into the practice of foreign policy, none has proven more baffling to both understanding and action than foreign aid. The very assumption that foreign aid is an instrument of foreign policy is a subject of controversy. For, on the one hand, the opinion is widely held that foreign aid is an end in itself, carrying its own justification, both transcending, and independent of, foreign policy. In this view, foreign aid is the fulfillment of an obligation of the few rich nations toward the many poor ones. On the other hand, many see no justification for a policy of foreign aid at all. They look at it as a gigantic boon-doggle, a wasteful and indefensible operation which serves neither the interests of the United States nor those of the recipient nations.


2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
John Breeding

The history of modern psychiatry includes a legacy of coercion and infamous physical and mechanical treatments, on the one hand, and progress in human rights, particularly patient rights, on the other. The purpose of this article is to remind readers that this modern progress in psychiatry is more apparent than real. The author’s experience with recent cases in the mental health courts is discussed in order to demonstrate the ongoing abuse of human rights in psychiatry. A brief look at other aspects of the current mental health climate in the United States is also provided, along with considerations of informed consent.


Author(s):  
Nussberger Angelika

This chapter evaluates the efficacy of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). On the one hand, the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) system has had an amazing success in building up a constitutional order in Europe defining common values. Significant changes in the laws of all Member States were made; individual human rights violations were effectively remedied. On the other hand, Europe is far from being a human rights paradise. Even an average observer of daily news cannot avoid having the impression that in some States even the most basic human rights are not effectively guaranteed and that some so-called ‘democracies’ hide their disdain for individual rights behind lip services and promises to abide by the Convention, but in reality use membership in the Council of Europe only as a tool in foreign relations. The chapter then identifies the roles played by the Committee of Ministers, NGOs, and the Court in executing judgments on human rights violations. Article 46 para 1 ECHR obliges the parties to abide by the final judgment of the Court in any case to which they are parties. In line with the general rules of State responsibility, the Court interprets the obligations arising out of Convention violations as threefold: ‘to cease the breach, to make reparation for it and ensure non-repetition of similar violations in the future’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Yichen Guan ◽  
Dustin Tingley ◽  
David Romney ◽  
Amaney Jamal ◽  
Robert Keohane

Abstract We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, political, intellectual, or cultural. Attitudes toward the United States become negative when the focus turns to US foreign policy – actions that Chinese netizens view as antithetical to Chinese interests. On the contrary, attitudes toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam vary a great deal from one another. The contrast between these differentiated Chinese views toward the United States and other countries, on the one hand, and the predominant anti-Americanism in the Middle East, on the other, is striking.


2020 ◽  
pp. 112-153
Author(s):  
Vanessa Walker

This chapter addresses U.S. relations with Chile during the Carter administration as an avenue to explore the innate tensions within a policy that simultaneously sought to promote human rights abroad and champion nonintervention. The administration, seeking to appeal to both domestic and international constituencies, sought an approach that balanced distancing the U.S. government from the Pinochet regime, maintaining pressure to improve human rights, and avoiding overt interference in domestic Chilean affairs, which could prompt a nationalist backlash. The competing demands of demonstrating to domestic audiences a cooler relationship with the Pinochet regime on the one hand, and implementing a human rights policy that would improve conditions in Chile on the other, shaped and at times undermined the Carter administration's efforts. The administration was always aware that its leverage was limited and that regime change from without was not a primary objective. The assassination of former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier in Washington, D.C., on September 21, 1976, highlighted the tensions between the domestic and foreign policy objectives of the administration's human rights policy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Viehoff

Abstract Among the functions of state borders is to delineate a domain within which outsiders may normally not interfere. But the human rights practice that has sprung up in recent decades has imposed significant limits on a state’s right against interference. This article considers the connection between human rights on the one hand and justified interference in the internal affairs of states on the other. States, this article argues, have a right against interference if and because they serve their subjects. Interference by outsiders threatens to set back their capacity to serve and thus ultimately harms those over whom the state exercises power. Human rights, in turn, circumscribe the outer limits of what any state can do while plausibly claiming to be serving its subjects. On this view, human rights are distinguished from other rights because they function as cancelling conditions on the state’s right against outside interference: while interfering in the internal affairs of a state normally wrongs that state, interfering where the state fails to respect human rights does not. Contrary to what is often thought, human rights violations do not justify outside interference. They merely make a state liable to such interference. The further considerations that must enter into an all things considered judgment in favor of interference are irrelevant for determining what human rights we have.


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