Slavery and the Revolution in Cotton Textile Production in England

1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 343-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph E. Inikori

From the point of view of the preindustrial world, the development of the English cotton textile industry in the eighteenth century was truly revolutionary. The industry was established early in the century as a peasant craft (section 2; note 2), and by 1850 it had been almost completely transformed in terms of the organization and technology of production. Of the total work force of 374,000 employed in the industry in 1850, only 43,000 (approximately 11.5 percent of the total) were employed outside the factory system of organization. In terms of technology, the industry was virtually mechanized by this time: there were 20,977,000 spindles and 250,000 power looms in the industry in 1850. What is more, steam had become the dominant form of power used in the industry—71,000 horsepower supplied by steam as opposed to 11,000 supplied by water (Mitchell, 1962: 185, 187). Value added in the industry by this time exceeded by about 50 percent that in the woolen textile industry, the dominant industry in England for over four centuries. This rate of development was something that had never been experienced in any industry in the preindustrial world. Indeed, the Industrial Revolution in England, in the strict sense of the phrase, is little more than a revolution in eighteenth-century cotton textile production.

1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 442-446
Author(s):  
Stephen R. Lewis, Jr.

This brief note is written in the hope that some further light can be shed on the cotton-textile situation in Pakistan, since available (and widely used)i data appear to be internally inconsistent. There seems to be a rather startling inconsistency among the data (for the 1960's) on production, exports, and domestic prices of cotton cloth, given reasonable assumptions about the income and price elasticity of demand. The most likely explanation for the inconsistency is that the cotton-textile production figures are currently being underestimated, and that the growth rate of cotton-textiles is also being underestimated. Since cotton textiles make up about one quarter of value added in large-scale manu¬facturing industries in Pakistan, the effect of a substantial understatement in the growth of the cotton-textile industry on the growth rate of manufacturing could be quite marked. There has been a very good performance rate in cotton-textile exports in the past several years, both with respect to the rate of increase in exports and the rising share of cotton-textile production that is exported. It is this very promising improvement in export performance that led to the questions raised here.


1992 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 881-906 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor Griffiths ◽  
Philip A. Hunt ◽  
Patrick K. O'Brien

An analysis of innovations in the eighteenth-century British textile industry is the basis for an evaluation of aggregate studies of invention during the Industrial Revolution, derived from patent evidence alone. Disaggregation of the data challenges recent generalizations concerning the pace and pattern of technical change over the period. Discontinuities in the nature of invention, promoting an acceleration in total factor productivity growth, are traced to the 1790s. Prior to that date, industrial development conformed to a pattern of Smithian growth, as manufacturers diversified their output in response to an expanding domestic market for consumer goods.


Author(s):  
C. Knick Harley

ABSTRACTAggregate estimates of British growth during the classical Industrial Revolution have been reassessed in the past decade and present a significantly revision of earlier views of British growth. Growth was slower dian previously believed and industrial change more localized and with a smaller impact Agricultural improvement and die relative ease with which labour moved to urban industry seems central to the experience. Although industry's impact now seems less than previously believed, industrial cities transformed society because die cotton textile industry expanded to exploit the advantage of its new technology and labour moved to the cities. But while exports expanded the share of industry and caused urbanization, they did not raise per capita income much because competition ensured that the benefits went to consumers. Finally, die specific features of die British industrial revolution seem to provide only weak guide to die growth process elsewhere.


1975 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-244
Author(s):  
Munawar Iqbal Malik

From the beginning, the cotton textile industry has been the keystone of Pakis¬tan's industrial development. In both the large scale (more than 1U employees) and the small scale sectors, cotton textiles is the single most important industry in terms of both the value of output and employment. Cotton textiles account for more than 15 percent of all exports and a much higher share of manufactured exports. While the importance of textiles has diminished with the spread of in¬dustrialization to other sectors, the predominance of textiles in manufacturing employment, value added and exports is likely to continue for some time. As Pakistan prepares to launch its Fifth Five-Year plan, it is useful to examine the growth prospects for the cotton textile industry. Having long ago replaced imports of cotton textiles by domestic production, Pakistan must now look to the expansion of foreign market for textiles or at least Pakistan's share in the market-and to the growth of the home market to absorb any planned growth in productive capacity. With the uncertainties in the world market, and especially the current recessionary slump in the developed economies the aftermath of which is likely to be felt for some time, especially in the form of new quantitative restrictions against textile and other manufactured imports coming from developing countries -the future growth in demand for Pakistan's exports is very problematic. Over the decade of the 1960's, textile exports grew in real terms by more than 20 percent per annum. From 1970 to 1974 the trend rate fell to less than 5 percent per annum with considerable fluctuations in the rate of increase from year to year. Of course, there always remains the possibility that Pakistan can expand her share of the foreign market sufficiently to offset any decline in world demand, but the existence of the country-specific quotas on textile products in many of the importing coun¬tries may prove a serious constraint in this regard.


1962 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-161
Author(s):  
Everett Hughes

A world-wide revolution of organization, long under way, is now more widespread and profound than ever. In certain countries, called "Western" for some obscure reason, it has been called the industrial and urban revolution. In its earlier phases, as Paul Mantoux says in his Industrial Revolution in the Eighteenth Century, it consisted in the invention not merely of new machines, but of new institutions of production and exchange, of new ways of organizing men for work, exchange, and communication. It also consisted, in part, of the rise of new breeds of man, unscrupulous — according to Werner Sombart in Das Wirtschaflsleben im Zeitalter des Hochkapitalismus—in the strict sense of not feeling bound by the hampering scruples of the older mercantile families; hence, able to act in new ways and in new combinations. The revolution, in the earlier phase and now as well, consisted of massive internal and international migrations to the growing industrial regions and urban centers; and of a good deal of shift and drift of other populations to fill the vacuum left by those who went to industry and cities. Europe, in course of all this, underwent such a drastic demographic explosion that it was able to populate America and other parts of the world while becoming itself more densely populated than ever. Migrations and increase of population almost of necessity break up kin and other patterns of organization, and lead eventually to their reorganization in new places and in modified forms.


1974 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley D. Chapman

A survey of insurance records covering eighteenth-century manufactories in three branches of the British textile industry reveals much about the gradual evolution of factory production in the early stages of the Industrial Revolution. Professor Chapman suggests that neither size, power source, nor the supervision of work constitutes a useful criterion by which to identify the modern, Arkwright-type factory. The essential characteristic of that institution was that it was specifically designed for flow production, rather than the batch production methods of earlier modes of manufacturing.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document