scholarly journals Some Comments on the Cotton Cloth Consumption in Pakistan

1975 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-244
Author(s):  
Munawar Iqbal Malik

From the beginning, the cotton textile industry has been the keystone of Pakis¬tan's industrial development. In both the large scale (more than 1U employees) and the small scale sectors, cotton textiles is the single most important industry in terms of both the value of output and employment. Cotton textiles account for more than 15 percent of all exports and a much higher share of manufactured exports. While the importance of textiles has diminished with the spread of in¬dustrialization to other sectors, the predominance of textiles in manufacturing employment, value added and exports is likely to continue for some time. As Pakistan prepares to launch its Fifth Five-Year plan, it is useful to examine the growth prospects for the cotton textile industry. Having long ago replaced imports of cotton textiles by domestic production, Pakistan must now look to the expansion of foreign market for textiles or at least Pakistan's share in the market-and to the growth of the home market to absorb any planned growth in productive capacity. With the uncertainties in the world market, and especially the current recessionary slump in the developed economies the aftermath of which is likely to be felt for some time, especially in the form of new quantitative restrictions against textile and other manufactured imports coming from developing countries -the future growth in demand for Pakistan's exports is very problematic. Over the decade of the 1960's, textile exports grew in real terms by more than 20 percent per annum. From 1970 to 1974 the trend rate fell to less than 5 percent per annum with considerable fluctuations in the rate of increase from year to year. Of course, there always remains the possibility that Pakistan can expand her share of the foreign market sufficiently to offset any decline in world demand, but the existence of the country-specific quotas on textile products in many of the importing coun¬tries may prove a serious constraint in this regard.

1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 442-446
Author(s):  
Stephen R. Lewis, Jr.

This brief note is written in the hope that some further light can be shed on the cotton-textile situation in Pakistan, since available (and widely used)i data appear to be internally inconsistent. There seems to be a rather startling inconsistency among the data (for the 1960's) on production, exports, and domestic prices of cotton cloth, given reasonable assumptions about the income and price elasticity of demand. The most likely explanation for the inconsistency is that the cotton-textile production figures are currently being underestimated, and that the growth rate of cotton-textiles is also being underestimated. Since cotton textiles make up about one quarter of value added in large-scale manu¬facturing industries in Pakistan, the effect of a substantial understatement in the growth of the cotton-textile industry on the growth rate of manufacturing could be quite marked. There has been a very good performance rate in cotton-textile exports in the past several years, both with respect to the rate of increase in exports and the rising share of cotton-textile production that is exported. It is this very promising improvement in export performance that led to the questions raised here.


2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 1019-1054 ◽  
Author(s):  
PIERRE VAN DER ENG

AbstractThis paper quantifies the consumption and production of cotton textiles at different stages of processing in Indonesia during the Dutch colonial era (1820–1941). It discusses the main factors that impeded the development of an internationally competitive cotton textile industry, and concludes that production in the industry increased significantly in Java during 1820–71, and again during 1874–1914 and 1934–41. However, most activity involved finishing of imported cotton cloth to suit local preferences. Spinning and weaving increased only marginally, as domestic production was precluded by the high-labour intensity of small-scale production, marginal local raw cotton production, and competitive international markets for yarn and cloth. Unfavourable and fluctuating real exchange rates discouraged investment in modern spinning and weaving ventures until trade protection and technological change in small-scale weaving caused rapid growth of domestic production after 1934.


1975 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-134
Author(s):  
Seemin Anwar

The small scale manufacturing sector is in many ways the step-child of Pakistan's national income accounts. A number of sample surveys of the output and employment characteristics of small industries have been conducted, but no attempt has been made to apply these surveys, in a systematic fashion, to the measurement of the growth of output of this sector. In the absence of better information, compilers of Pakistan's national accounts simply assume that the small scale sector's contribution to the national product grows at the same rate as the population. However, given the rapid structural changes in large scale industry and the sharp fluctuations in the past decade in the rate of increase in the gross national product, it is unlikely that the small scale sector grew at such a uniform rate. The small scale manufacturing sector encompasses a wide array of highly differentiated economic activities and separate estimates of the value added annually by each of these activities is not feasible, in large part because the establishments in this sector rarely keep systematic records even for major items such as sales or employment. Even if firms kept records, it would be extremely difficult to monitor the thousands of existing establishments, much less keep track of firms leaving or entering the sector. Thus, any effort at sampling or regular census-taking in the small scale sector is likely to provide insufficient information from which to construct an annual index of production.


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-97
Author(s):  
Henri Delanghe

The literature suggests that cotton textiles should be unattractive for foreign direct investment (FDI). The product is largely undifferentiated; sellers need an intimate knowledge of local markets; and textiles use process technology, which multinational firms cannot monopolize. Indeed, since the 1970s, cotton textiles has been one of the few industries in Brazil in which local capital dominates, joint ventures prevail, and American firms are almost completely absent. Yet, between 1955 and the mid-1970s, Brazil saw significant foreign direct investment in textiles from Japanese firms. There were two successive waves of Japanese investment in the Brazilian cotton textile industry. The first ran from the mid-1950s to the early 1960s. The second took place from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. Four Japanese textile firms participated in the first wave—Kanebo, Toyobo, Tsuzuki, and Unitika. Four more—Daiwa, Kurabo, Nisshinbo, and Omi—participated in the second wave.


Processes ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 901 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayoub Esmailpour ◽  
Hamid R. Taghiyari ◽  
Reza Majidi Najafabadi ◽  
Amin Kalantari ◽  
Antonios N. Papadopoulos

Aspergillus niger is a common contaminant in food industry, laboratories, and also a potential threat to biological works of art in museums. Cotton textiles have frequently been used in museums for canvas paintings. In the present project, the effect of Aspergillus niger on fluid flow rate of nanowollastonite-impregnated cotton textile specimens was investigated. Cotton specimens were impregnated with nanowollastonite (NW) suspension at four concentrations of 10%, 20%, 30%, and 40% to be further compared with control specimens. Results showed that fluid flow in cotton textile was as high as 361.3 cm3·s−1 due to its high porous structure and very low compactness of fibers (low density). Impregnation with NW did not have a significant effect on fluid flow in cotton textile. Exposure to Aspergillus niger increased fluid flow in control specimens as a result of deterioration of cotton fibers. Exposure of NW-impregnated specimens at concentrations more than 20% to Aspergillus niger did not have any significant effect on fluid flow. In control specimens, fungus mycelium penetrated deep into the texture of textile. However, in NW-impregnated specimens, the fungus could not penetrate into the texture and deteriorate the specimens. It was concluded that NW can be recommended for textile industry and also works of art as they protect cotton textiles against Aspergillus niger while, do not diminishi its dying and paintability properties.


1976 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pauline K. Marstrand

The development of methods for evaluation of industrial development by investigation of its ecological and health, as well as its social and economic, effects was the aim of UNEP/UNIDO Project EP/INT/73-002. Following six weeks' study of the cotton textile industry in Thailand, recommendations were made regarding criteria, team composition, and methods of utilizing existing information and conducting interviews. Interviews with village people and farmers were found to be a feasible method for qualitative assessment of environmental effects, and for providing information on which losses could be estimated. In all cases the costs of prevention or mitigation of damage were small in comparison with estimated costs of the damage caused.The paper suggest that developing countries have the opportunity to industrialize without the trauma of extensive damage to health or environment, and that such development is not intrinsically more costly than other types in financial terms. It does, however, demand better understanding of the social, economic, and environmental, characters of a locality before planning begins. In many countries, including Thailand, existing university and other resources, assisted by interviews with the communities concerned, can provide the information required for this understanding, and therefore the delay need not be great.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-88
Author(s):  
Anirban Karak

Three trends in industrial development contribute to the industrial history of West Bengal during the 1980–1991 period—the continuation of a secular decline in terms of employment and value added in manufacturing industries vis-à-vis other states, an ancillarization and flexibilization of production into small-scale factories with less than 20 workers, and a differential impact of this ancillarization on basic goods and consumer goods industries, with the former performing much better than the latter. Viewed through the theoretical lens of structural demand and agriculture–industry relations, the relatively slower growth of consumer goods industries poses a puzzle when the spectacular growth of agricultural output during the 1980s is considered. In this article, I suggest that tying together three factors—the impact of the ‘Green Revolution’ on West Bengal’s agriculture, the nature and effect of the Left Front’s land reforms, and the role of rural commercial capital—can in turn hold together three outcomes for the period 1980–1991 in a single explanation—high agricultural growth, mass poverty among the rural poor despite land reforms and agricultural growth, and the poor growth of consumer goods industries despite high agricultural growth.


1984 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-224
Author(s):  
Siddhartha Roy

In both the Indian urban and the rural sectors, the demand for cotton textiles has not only been relatively stagnant, but the top 10 per cent of the population in terms of purchasing power has been raising its share of total expenditure on clothing at the expense of the poorer sections. While until 1973 the demand for finer varieties of cloth grew rapidly and that for coarse and medium varieties shrank, since the mid-70s competition from blended and synthetic fabrics and from the decentralized sector have hit all varieties of mill-made cotton cloth. Estimates of price elasticities of cloth and foodgrains indicate that it may be possible to stimulate cotton textile demand by reducing the margins on mill-made cloth. This would require some restructuring of the mill cloth distribution system.


1964 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 462-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. F. Papanek

Development in Pakistan so far has been largely sustained by a rapidly growing industrial sector. From 1953 to 1960, the index for manufacturing has grown more rapidly in Pakistan than in any other country for which United-Nations statistics are published, except Japan. Admittedly, the reliability of such comparisons is limited and the high rate of Pakistan's industrial growth is partly a function of the low initial level of industrial development—if you start at zero, any increase means an infinite rate. But the United-Nations index starts in the middle 1950's when Pakistan already had a respectable industrial sector and the statistics are sufficiently reliable so one can say with some confidence ' that Pakistan had a rate of industrial growth matched by few countries in the recent past. A reasonably accurate measure of the growth in industrial production and investment in Pakistan is, therefore, of particular importance to economic analysis, policy formulation, or planning. The dynamism of the industrial sector has been due to what is called " large scale industry ". No reasonably reliable information exists on value added in "small scale industry", but various official , and unofficial guesses on its growth rate have ranged from a decline to a 3.5- per-cent annual increase. There would be near-universal agreement that "large scale industry" has grown much more rapidly than "small scale". The Survey, discussed later in this paper, confirms this conclusion. From 1947 to 1959, the value added by firms with assets of less than one million rupees increased only five-fold, while that added by larger firms increased more than fifteen times.


1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 343-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph E. Inikori

From the point of view of the preindustrial world, the development of the English cotton textile industry in the eighteenth century was truly revolutionary. The industry was established early in the century as a peasant craft (section 2; note 2), and by 1850 it had been almost completely transformed in terms of the organization and technology of production. Of the total work force of 374,000 employed in the industry in 1850, only 43,000 (approximately 11.5 percent of the total) were employed outside the factory system of organization. In terms of technology, the industry was virtually mechanized by this time: there were 20,977,000 spindles and 250,000 power looms in the industry in 1850. What is more, steam had become the dominant form of power used in the industry—71,000 horsepower supplied by steam as opposed to 11,000 supplied by water (Mitchell, 1962: 185, 187). Value added in the industry by this time exceeded by about 50 percent that in the woolen textile industry, the dominant industry in England for over four centuries. This rate of development was something that had never been experienced in any industry in the preindustrial world. Indeed, the Industrial Revolution in England, in the strict sense of the phrase, is little more than a revolution in eighteenth-century cotton textile production.


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