scholarly journals Popular Adult and Labor Education Movement in Sweden—History, Content, Pedagogy

2016 ◽  
Vol 90 ◽  
pp. 12-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petros Gougoulakis
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Labor Education ◽  
Education Movement ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
History Of

AbstractIn Sweden, workers’ education—Arbetarbildning—is part of the all-embracing popular adult education movement that assumed its organizational consolidation in the late 1800s. Popular education—Folkbildning—is a culturally determined practice of social communication with roots in the Reformation and the Enlightenment, playing a decisive role in the shaping of the Swedish labor movement in the late 1800s, the history of which is intertwined with democratization and the transformation of Sweden into a highly developed welfare society. The pedagogical and ideological configuration of labor education in Sweden is surveyed from a historical perspective through the lenses of the Workers’ Educational Association (ABF) and the labor movement's most powerful branches: the Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO). Workers’ education was utilized as a political strategy for a just and equitable society, via successive reforms, based on knowledge and initiated and supported by well-informed citizens.

The dilemmas of Czech political life and their pragmatic solutions. 1998–2002

2021 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Ella G. Zadorozhnyuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Radical Shift ◽  
Political Decision Making

In 1998, the Czech Republic underwent a radical shift from the confrontational/conflicted political style of the first half of the 1990s to a pragmatic/consensual style. The leaders of the two largest political parties - the center-left Czech Social Democratic Party and the center-right Civic Democratic Party - signed the Opposition Treaty. From that point, it is possible to describe a new political mechanism that reformed the framework of cooperation between the Social Democrats and the Civil Democrats. These techniques of negotiation appeared again, and in a modified version, after another turning point in Czech political history, when the Action movement of disaffected citizens focusing on pragmatic solutions, made a compromise agreement with the CPCzM in 2011. This style of political decision-making can also be given a more expansive interpretation: it can be seen as a specific feature of the political history of a state located in the heart of Europe, economically prosperous and politically extremely turbulent.

scholarly journals The Origins and Myths of the Swedish Model of Workplace Democracy

2015 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
ASTRID HEDIN
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Workplace Democracy ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Swedish Model ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Dominant Narratives

AbstractIn 1976 Sweden adopted a law on workplace democracy, presented by the Social Democratic government as the ‘reform of the century’. What can the reform tell us about the history of the Swedish Model and how it was revised during the early 1970s under the prime minister, Olof Palme? This article compares four grand narratives of the development of welfare states, viewing dominant narratives of the Swedish Model as influential myths in their own right. The article argues that despite its global reputation as a hallmark of ‘democratic socialism’, the Swedish workplace democracy reform was a broad cross-class compromise, in the wake of a pan-European wave of similarly labelled reforms. Furthermore, the reform served to protect workplaces against Communist activism. The argument builds on the internal meeting protocols of the board and executive committee of the Swedish Social Democratic Party.

Book Reviews: The History of Government, Volume 1: Ancient Monarchies and Empires, The History of Government, Volume 2: The Intermediate Ages, The History of Government, Volume 3: Empires, Monarchies and the Modern State, SDP: The Birth, Life and Death of the Social Democratic Party, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture, Vol. I: The Rise of the Network Society, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture, Vol. II: The Power of Identity, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture, Vol. III: End of the Millennium, Impartiality in Context: Grounding Justice in a Pluralist World, towards Justice and Virtue: A Constructive Account of Practical Reasoning, Unionism in Modern Ireland: New Perspectives on Politics and Culture, Rethinking Unionism: An Alternative for Northern Ireland, The New Interventionism, 1991–1994, The United Nations at Fifty: Retrospect and Prospect, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government, Parties and Democracy in the Post-Soviet Republics: The Case of Estonia, Lithuania: The Rebel Nation, Serious Money: Financial Power Bases in the Presidential Nomination Process, Do Campaigns Matter?, American Presidential Elections: Process, Policy, and Political Change, The Angry American: How Voter Rage is Changing the Nation

1998 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-813
Author(s):  
Michael Moran ◽  
William Wallace ◽  
Zygmunt Bauman ◽  
Thomas McCarthy ◽  
Sabina Lovibond ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Practical Reasoning ◽  
Information Age ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Power Bases ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
The Social ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
History Of ◽  
Financial Power

Early Heimwehr Aims and Activities

1972 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 105-147
Author(s):  
C. Earl Edmondson
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Social ◽  
First Republic ◽  
History Of

The riots that took place in Vienna in July, 1927, and the unsuccessful strikes that followed them came to be regarded almost immediately as a turning point in the history of Austria's first republic. In a flash, the Social Democratic Party, which had made the best relative showing in the parliamentary elections in April of that year, was thrown on the defensive, while within a few months the governing anti-socialist groups dominated by the Christian Social Party began to gather their forces for a vigorous political offensive. In the forefront of the anti-socialist drive stood the various paramilitary Heimwehren, which had played a leading role in foiling the nationwide strikes in July. Capitalizing on the widespread fear that the socialist leaders were preparing to wage violent class warfare, the Heimwehr leaders rapidly expanded their provincial organizations and used them as militarized pressure groups. They sought to depict the Heimwehr as a popular movement that would save Austria's traditional social order by enabling—or forcing—the “bourgeois” parliamentarians to stand firm against the socialists.

scholarly journals German Social Democracy and German State Socialism, 1876–1884

1964 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon L. Lidtke
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
State Socialism ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The One

In the late eighteen-seventies, the German Social Democratic Party, while still healing the wounds of old battles between Lassalleans and Eisenachers, was confronted by foes who delivered attacks on two levels. On the one level, Bismarck and his supporters fought energetically to annihilate the party with the passage of the Socialist Law (October 21, 1878). After some initial faltering steps, the Social Democrats found a firm footing and struggled successfully to preserve their political existence. The movement was preserved, even though the party organization, its affiliates and its newspapers were suppressed. On another level, the Social Democrats faced an ideological challenge. Their political suppression broadly paralleled the emergence of a conservative socialism which flourished for a short time in a variety of forms. Whatever clothing it wore, conservative socialism aimed to undermine the growing appeal of Social Democracy to the working-men of Germany. A theory of State Socialism was the most attractive garment designed by conservative social thought. The response of the Social Democratic Party to the various facets of this conservative socialism is a significant chapter in the history of the German socialist movement.

Populism Personified or Reinvigorated Reformers? The German Left Party in 2009 and Beyond

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Hough ◽  
Michael Koß
Keyword(s):  
Problem Solving ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Left Party

Despite its recent electoral successes, the Left Party's position in the German party system is more fragile that it may at first appear. The Left Party gained support in 2005 largely on account of dissatisfaction with other parties and not because masses of voters were flocking to its (nominally socialist) cause. Not even a majority from within its own supporter base thought it possessed "significant problem solving competences." Rather, much of the Left Party's political discourse is based on negative dismissals of much that it sees—in policy terms—before it. We discuss the Left Party's political development through the prism of populist politics. After outlining what we understand populism to mean, we analyze the Left Party's programmatic stances and political strategy within the context of this framework. Although populism is certainly not the sole preserve of the Left Party, it clearly excels in using populist tools to make political headway. We conclude by discussing the ramifications that this has for German party politics in general and for the Social Democratic Party in particular.

scholarly journals Advertising for the People: The History of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden’s Own Advertising Company—Folkreklam and Förenade ARE-Bolagen, 1947–1997

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 516-546
Author(s):  
ERIK LAKOMAA
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Sensitive Information ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Outdoor Advertising ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Advertising Company

The Social Democratic Party not only ruled Sweden for most of the twentieth century but also owned one of the country’s largest advertising groups. The company, founded in 1947 as Folkreklam and later renamed Förenade ARE-Bolagen, rapidly became dominant in outdoor advertising in Sweden and remained in that position until the late 1980s. This paper expands the previous research on party-owned enterprises, a type of businesses that is rare in the Western democratic world, covering the history of ARE from its inception to its eventual merger with JCDecaux in 1997. It is shown that the owner relationship with the party was highly beneficial for the company, as it provided preferential access to adverting space and public contracts from government agencies and municipalities without formal competition. The party benefited from the control over sensitive information pretraining to strategies in political propaganda during elections and from the financial contribution of ARE.

Novgorodskaya Newspaper Ilmen’ (1906–1907): Political Evolution from “Center” to “Left”

2021 ◽  
pp. 104-123
Author(s):  
Alexandra L. Semenova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Speaking Out ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Short Period ◽  
History Of

The study examines the history of the private Novgorod publication Ilmen’, which emerged in 1906 in the wake of preparations for the elections to the II State Duma. The publication was weekly and came out in only 24 issues, but during this short period it significantly changed its political orientation. This was largely determined by the change of editors: N. Vasilevsky was replaced by M. Rubakin. The newspaper is also interesting in so far as it published letters from the deputy of the Duma from the Novgorod province P.G. Izmailov, a peasant who was a member of the Social Democratic Party. He used the newspaper as a platform for speaking out about important socio-political issues.

Rumanian Socialists and the Nationality Problem in Hungary, 1903-18

Slavic Review ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-90
Author(s):  
Keith Hitchins
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
World War ◽  
New Members ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
First World

The history of the Rumanian socialists of Hungary in the decade before the outbreak of the First World War and during the final crisis of the Dual Monarchy in 1918 offers a striking illustration of the importance of national feeling in socialist and working-class movements of peoples who had not yet achieved their national-political emancipation and who were still overwhelmingly agrarian. In seeking support, Rumanian socialists had to compete with the middle-class Rumanian National Party, which was well established as a staunch defender of Rumanian rights against the aggressive nationality policies of the Hungarian government, and the church, which maintained a strong hold over a devout and traditional peasantry. They were hampered also by having only a modest constituency of their own. Not only was the Rumanian working class small, but in those places where Rumanian factory workers had congregated in significant numbers—Budapest, Arad, Timisoara—they were swallowed up in the greater masses of Magyar and German workers.and were in danger of losing their national identity. They provided only a fragile base for an independent socialist party. Until the First World War, Rumanian socialists developed their activities under the aegis of the Social Democratic Party of Hungary (MSZDP). In time, they found ideological and financial subordination to the MSZDP to be a serious handicap in efforts to recruit new members. At a time of growing national tension, they were hard put to explain how a party dominated by Magyars, even socialists, could benefit Rumanians. Yet, in spite of their protestations of socialist internationalism and their open disdain for nationalistic impulses, they could not ignore nationality. Indeed, the idea of nationality lent their movement a distinctiveness that set it apart from the other socialist movements of Hungary and, in the end, gave it its reason for being.

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