RECENT DEVELOPMENTS 2001/2

2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-235

CHALLENGING RESTRICTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO PROTECTION OF THE LAW IN ZIMBABWE.In June 2000, a general election was held in Zimbabwe. Of the 120 common roll constituencies, 62 were won by the ruling party, ZANU(PF) and 57 by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The MDC alleged that the general election campaign was marred by widespread violence, intimidation and illegal practices. As a result proceedings were instituted in the High Court challenging the outcome of the electoral process in 37 constituencies. The hearings were due to commence in January 2001. On 8 December the President issued the Electoral Act (Modification) (No. 3) Notice, 2000 (SI 318/2000), which purported to justify the validation of the election results by reference to a series of assertions.

Subject Fidesz’s surprise by-election defeat. Significance Independent Peter Marki-Zay’s election as mayor of Hodmezovasarhely, a ruling party stronghold, changed the tone of Hungary’s general election campaign. It is unlikely to change the outcome of the April 8 poll fundamentally, but the myth that Fidesz is unbeatable has been broken, giving opposition supporters hope as their parties, still fragmented, fight an uphill battle. Impacts The prospect of instability will boost the significance of European Parliamentary and municipal elections in 2019. Hungary’s international isolation will increase as Fidesz seeks new external targets in its negative campaigning. International attention on the April elections and Hungary, in general, will grow as the stakes increase.


Wajah Hukum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Mhd Ansori

The realization of democracy in Indonesia is one of which is carried out by general elections, this is a political contestation which often present disputes.There is a general understanding that effective electoral dispute resolution mechanisms and processes are a “sine qua non” for fair and fair elections.As well as the implementation of the general election system is designed in there is alwayas a possibility of violations that can reduce the quality of general elections, for that as well as the implementation of the general election system, within it is always available a trusted istitutional mechanism to resolve various types of general election objections and disputes.Disputes or disputes can be divided into two, that is (1) disputes in the electoral process (especially those that occur between participants in the general election or between candidates) which have been handled by the election supervisory committee and election results disputes or disputes. This paper aims to find out and analyze the dispute resolution of elections in Indonesia.The type of research used is normative juridical research, using conceptual approach, legislation approach, and historical approach


1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khayyam Z. Paltiel

A calculation similar in manner to that employed by the Advisory Committee on Election Expenses, and by the author for earlier elections, reveals that a conservative estimate of over-all spending by political parties and candidates in the 1972 federal general election campaign would have amounted to well over $31 million. To complete the picture of the cash outlay on the federal electoral process one should add the $20,435,277.54 spent by the chief electoral officer on the 1972 federal general election, as well as the value of free broadcasting time supplied to parties and candidates by the publicly owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and the private stations. (In addition, the unknown costs of obtaining a party's nomination by constituency candidates and the pro-rated costs of the representation commissioner and electoral boundary commissioners calculated by Professor Norman Ward at $200,000 per election must be computed in order to arrive at the full cost of the electoral process.)


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.


1991 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 573
Author(s):  
Dan Nimmo ◽  
Ivor Crewe ◽  
Martin Harrop

2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Solihin ◽  
Tree Setiawan Pamungkas ◽  
Jhon Roi Tua Purba

The rapid population of beginner voters in Indonesia than in 2004-2009 should be a calculation in influencing election results. Perception of beginner voters on the performance of electoral institutions in a sense it is important to be discussed because of the independence and professionalism an important factor general election success.This study uses the quantitative research survey. Data collection techniques by questionnaire. The sampling technique is done with strafied random sampling technique. The survey conducted on students at nine universities in YogyakartaResults from this study: First, Knowledge voters on electoral institutions. Voters who do not know Bawaslu that as many as 49.7 percent of respondents. As for the KPU as much as 65.1 percent of voters know; Second, the level of confidence in electoral institutions quite good 57.2 percent of voters believe; Third, the perception of the neutrality of electoral institutions 50.5 percent; and Fourth, the Electoral Institute of Professionalism 48.1 percent of voters declared "professional"; and Fifth, Satisfaction with the performance of the KPU was satisfied only 44.4 percent, while 40.5 percent expressed "not satisfied.In conclusion the perception of beginner voters on the performance of electoral institutions KPU and Bawaslu overall is still relatively low and should be increased by way of socialization to voters. Keywords: general election, performance of electoral institutions, beginner voters, voter perceptions Pesatnya populasi pemilih pemula di Indonesia dari tahun 2004-2009patut menjadi perhitungan dalam mempengaruhi hasil Pemilu. Persepsi pemilih pemula terhadap kinerja peyelenggara Pemilu di rasa penting untuk di bahas dikarenakan independensi dan profesionalitas peyelenggara merupakan faktor penting keberhasilan peyelenggaraanPemilu.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif yakni survei. Teknik pengumpulan data dengan kuesioner. Teknik pengambilan sampel dilakukan dengan teknik strafied random sampling. Survei dilakukan terhadap mahasiswa di 9 perguruan tinggi di DIY.Hasil dari penelitian ini: Pertama, Pengetahuan pemilih terhadap lembaga penyelenggara pemilihan umum.pemilih pemula yang tidak mengetahui Bawaslu yakni sebanyak 49,7 persen responden. Sedangkan untuk KPU sebanyak 65,1 persen pemilih pemula mengetahui; Kedua, Tingkat kepercayaan terhadap lembaga peyelenggara pemilihan umum cukup baik 57,2 persen pemilih pemula percaya; Ketiga, Persepsi terhadap netralitas lembaga penyelenggara pemilihan umum 50,5 persen; dan Keempat, Profesionalisme Lembaga Pemilu 48,1 persen pemilih pemula menyatakan “professional”.; dan Kelima, Kepuasan terhadap kinerja KPU menyatakan puas hanya 44,4 persen sedangkan 40,5 persen lainnya menyatakan “tidak puas”.Kesimpulannya persepsi pemilih pemula terhadap kinerja peyelenggaraan pemilu yakni KPU dan Bawaslu secara keseluruhan masih tergolong rendah dan harus dilakukan peningkatan dengan cara sosialisasi terhadap pemilih pemula. Kata Kunci: pemilihan umum, pemilih pemula, persepsi pemilih, kinerja peyelenggara pemilu


Author(s):  
Vitaliy Peresada

The article studies the role of party press in the electoral process and political communication based on the example of the elections toVerkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2012. The classical party and short-term party periodicals are analyzed according to thematic orientation, content of publications, political and ideological bias. In particular, such official print periodicals of the leading political organizations as Communist, Svoboda/Liberty, Vseukrainski Visti/All-Ukrainian News and the party short-term periodicals distributed during the 2012 parliamentary campaign, were examined. The analysis of the party’s legal press and illegal press during the parliamentary election campaign is caused by a sharp increase of its circulation and titles, as well as by the renewed interest of a wide spectrum of recipients and future voters. Methods. The following general scientific research methods were used in the article: 1. Method of abstraction, which made it possible to determine the main categories of scientific work of mass communication direction: party periodicals, hidden party press, election periodicals, etc. The modeling method by which the role of party press in the election campaign was highlighted, which stipulated the influence on the voter’s final will. The method of analysis that provided a systematic study of the functional purpose of party periodicals in the election campaign. The method of induction and deduction, which contributed to a clearer definition of the party press role in information support of the election campaign. The study also used a comparison method. Results and conclusions. The study ascertained that in the 2012 election campaign, the party periodicals played a prominent role, which, however, was far from clear. Most of participants of the electoral process underestimated or neglected the importance of official party print media, focusing on the publications of alternative, cheap and primitive products (special issues, newsletters, etc.). Due to its bias, the party periodicals could not give the voters an objective idea of of electoral process and intra-party tendencies, all the more to form their conscious choices. The electoral practice of party periodicals showed mass inadequacy in solving typical propaganda tasks (declarativism, populism, meeting rhetoric, emphasis on supplementary aspects, etc.). The wide spread practice of the 2012 election campaign was the use of unethical methods of cross-party competition (“jeans” and “smearpiece”) as well as the use of semi-legal and illegal publications for public opinion’ provocations and manipulations.


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