Party and Candidate Expenditures in the Canadian General Election of 1972

1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khayyam Z. Paltiel

A calculation similar in manner to that employed by the Advisory Committee on Election Expenses, and by the author for earlier elections, reveals that a conservative estimate of over-all spending by political parties and candidates in the 1972 federal general election campaign would have amounted to well over $31 million. To complete the picture of the cash outlay on the federal electoral process one should add the $20,435,277.54 spent by the chief electoral officer on the 1972 federal general election, as well as the value of free broadcasting time supplied to parties and candidates by the publicly owned Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and the private stations. (In addition, the unknown costs of obtaining a party's nomination by constituency candidates and the pro-rated costs of the representation commissioner and electoral boundary commissioners calculated by Professor Norman Ward at $200,000 per election must be computed in order to arrive at the full cost of the electoral process.)

2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-235

CHALLENGING RESTRICTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO PROTECTION OF THE LAW IN ZIMBABWE.In June 2000, a general election was held in Zimbabwe. Of the 120 common roll constituencies, 62 were won by the ruling party, ZANU(PF) and 57 by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The MDC alleged that the general election campaign was marred by widespread violence, intimidation and illegal practices. As a result proceedings were instituted in the High Court challenging the outcome of the electoral process in 37 constituencies. The hearings were due to commence in January 2001. On 8 December the President issued the Electoral Act (Modification) (No. 3) Notice, 2000 (SI 318/2000), which purported to justify the validation of the election results by reference to a series of assertions.


2011 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heinz Brandenburg ◽  
Marcel Van Egmond

This study reassesses the ability of the mass media to influence voter opinions directly. Combining data on media content with individuals’ assessments of British political parties during the 2005 general election campaign allows a test of newspapers’ persuasive influence in a way previously considered a ‘virtual impossibility’. Utilizing repeated measures from the 2005 BES campaign panel, multilevel regression analysis reveals significant impact of partisan slant not just on the evaluation of the party mentioned but also on evaluations of its competitor(s). The strongest evidence of direct media persuasion is provided by the finding that variation in slant over the campaign drives how undecided voters evaluate the incumbent government party, even when controlling for a newspaper's average partisan slant.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 117-129
Author(s):  
Bertha Sri Eko Murtiningsih

Abstract Comic could be a means to represent certain values. The reality is described through the storyline, setting and characterization which are packed in comic rubric. In comic, the whole symbols in the text will give certain meanings. They are including characters, dialogues, words written in word balloons, figure characters, and setting. This combination formed certain meanings which will determine how the reality will be framed by the media. Ketopraktoon is a comic strip which consistently reviews the sociopolitical issues and serves as a semi-comic in Kompas newspaper editorial. The strength of ketopraktoon in its social critics is built of figure’s characters which are presented in straightforward way with the support of storyline which fitted to the actual and factual condition in accordance with the dynamics of general election in Indonesia. This study aimed to discover how the election campaign during the Reform Era is represented in Ketopraktoon comic. This study used a qualitative approach with data analysis techniques semiotics of Barthes. To find the signs require appropriate and feasible methods of text analysis. Since the text to analyze is in the form of comics, the researcher defines the sign found in the comic text applies the technique that uses the semiotics of Barthes connotations and myths. The results showed (1) General Election campaign purely contained slogans and political rhetoric; (2) Pragmatism political parties and constituency campaign; (3) Irrationality behavior of political parties and constituency campaign; (4) Political branding refers to a materialistic tradition to gain popularity and power; (5) primitive and traditional culture in the election campaign.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Riyadh U.B. ◽  
Hendra Sukmana

The aim of this research was to discuss the model of recruiting candidates for legislative is conducted by political parties in Sidoarjo Regency. This research used descriptive qualitative. This research was conducted at the Governing Council of Political Parties in Sidoarjo Regency. Informants of this study were leaders of political parties in Sidoarjo, legislative candidates from political parties in Sidoarjo. The results showed that the model of recruiting candidates for legislative in accordance with collaboration models included models of Barber, Snowiss, Rush & Althoff et al. This can be seen from some of the steps in the recruitment socialization of registration, selection, after that determination of legislative candidate by a team of Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu) political party in the Sidoarjo Regency and the serial number in accordance with the criteria of the political party chairman and Election Campaign Boar (Bappilu). Furthermore, it is registered with the General Election Commission (KPU) Sidoarjo regency set to be candidates for Legislative (candidates) remain with serial numbers.


Author(s):  
E.M. Astafieva ◽  

The article analyzes the alignment of political forces on the eve of the general parliamentary elections in Singapore. The author dwells on main political parties of the country, cites data on the results of the last parliamentary elections held in Singapore in 2015. Particular attention is paid to changing the procedure for conducting both the election campaign and the elections themselves in the context of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. In conclusion, the author makes a forecast about the results of the elections, which will be held on 10 July 2020.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Amanda Richardson

<p><b>This thesis investigates responses in voting behaviour and media perceptions to the presence of media scandals about politicians and associated political parties during the 2017 New Zealand general election. A repeated measures design was used wherein 351 participants were recruited before the start of the election campaign, primarily from an Introductory Psychology course at Victoria University of Wellington. Follow-up surveys were conducted at three time points throughout the two month campaign. Participants were randomly allocated into one of two conditions for each follow-up survey. Half the participants were given a real news article to read about a media scandal, the other half read an article about a policy platform by the same political party. At the end of the election campaign, participants were asked about their voting behaviours. A second study was conducted after Labour Party leader, Jacinda Ardern, was announced Prime Minister with participants recruited via social media sites ‘Twitter’ and ‘Facebook’. In this study, 153 participants recalled information about scandals that were present in the media during the election campaign.</b></p> <p>Results showed that political scandals in news media do have an influence on voter perceptions, but not in an easily predictable way. Prior perceptions of political parties were the best predictors of who participants intended to vote for. Participants responded most strongly to public policy articles rather than scandal information, particularly those more knowledgeable of New Zealand’s political system, and therefore likely more engaged with politics in general. Further, there was evidence that information presented in the media influenced how participants viewed political parties that were not involved in the scandal, which is an important under a proportional voting system like MMP which requires understanding of the relationships between parties.</p> <p>Evidence was also found for a backlash effect towards the media wherein participants who were exposed to scandal information would displayed a decrease in trust towards the general media, consistent with the idea that one reason why voters may not respond negatively to scandal information reflects the decision that the source of the information is not credible. Future research should consider more targeted analysis on the different sources of news media, especially new media like blogs, social media, and entertainment news.</p>


Author(s):  
Ramesh Pandita

Participation of women in the electoral process of India as contestants has been very abysmal since the inception of the electoral process of the country. Present study has been conceived in view of the demands raised by various political parties and different women organizations about introducing and passing of women’s reservation bill in the parliament so as to secure at least 33 % seats for women candidates across the country. In the present study attempt has been made to see how far women candidates have been given representation by national and state level political parties during all the general elections held in India since independence. The other areas covered in the study include the distribution of political parties during all the general elections held, female candidate fielded by parties in proportion to male candidates, their success rate, votes secured, forfeited deposits etc. the study is purely based on secondary data, retrieved from the official website of the Election Commission of India on October 21, 2013. The multiparty system in India has somewhere become the areas of concern, which in fact has heralded an era of coalition politics in country, where the number has grown exponentially and as of now more than 2000 political parties stand registered with the Election commission of India. On average mere 6.90 % women candidates have been chosen to parliament during each general election, while as on average 4.49 % women contestants have been fielded in each general election. Scenario of state political parties is more worrisome and in case of independent contestants the situation is quite displeasing.


2000 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Fisher

Whilst the public funding of political parties is the norm in western democracies, its comprehensive introduction has been resisted in Britain. Political and electoral arrangements in Britain require parties to function and campaign on a regular basis, whilst their income follows cycles largely related to general elections. This article shows that the best predictor of party income is the necessity of a well-funded general election campaign rather than party performance. As a result, income can only be controlled by parties to a limited degree, which jeopardises their ability to determine their own financial position and fulfil their functions as political parties.


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