scholarly journals Barbary Coast in the expansion of international society: Piracy, privateering, and corsairing as primary institutions

2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 840-857 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Colás

AbstractFrom the ‘long’ sixteenth century the Ottoman regencies of North Africa operated as major centres of piracy and privateering across the Mediterranean Sea. Though deemed by emerging European powers to be an expression of the ‘barbarian’ status of Muslim and Ottoman rulers and peoples, piracy, and corsairing in fact played a major role in the development of the ‘primary’ or ‘master’ institutions of international society such as sovereignty, war, or international law. Far from representing a ‘barbarian’ challenge to the European ‘standard of civilization’, piracy and privateering in the modern Mediterranean acted as contradictory vehicles in the affirmation of that very standard.This article explores how Barbary piracy, privateering, and corsairing acted as ‘derivative’ primary institutions of international society. Drawing on recent ‘revisionist’ accounts of the expansion of international society, it argues that piracy and corsairing simultaneously contributed to the construction of law and sovereignty across the Mediterranean littoral whilst also prompting successive wars and treaties aimed at outlawing such practices. The cumulative effect of these complex historical experiences indicates that primary institutions of international society owe much more to ‘barbarism’ and ‘illegality’, an indeed to international stratification uneven development, than is commonly acknowledged.

Jurnal Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 126
Author(s):  
Edanur Yıldız

Turkey and Greece are again dragged into a new conflict in the East Mediterranean. Turkey and Greece vie for supremacy in the eastern Mediterranean. Turkey, for its part, indicated that Greece's claim to the territory would amount to a siege in the country by giving Greece a disproportionate amount of territory. This study aims to rethink the conflict between Greece and Turkey in the waters of the Mediterranean sea in the view of international maritime law. This study uses an empirical juridical approach. The Result of this research is Turkey does not ignore the Greece rights, Greece ignores the international law with its extended or excessive maritime claims. Greece tries to give full entitlement of the islands in Mediterranean and Agean. Whereas the effect Formula is applied by international courts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Butler ◽  
Martin Ratcovich

This article addresses the main legal challenges facing the European Union (eu) Naval Force, eunavfor Med (‘Operation Sophia’), established in 2015, to disrupt human smuggling and trafficking activities in the Mediterranean Sea. It examines a number of legal issues that have given rise to scepticism on the viability of this type of operation, ranging from challenges under European Union law regarding mandate and oversight, to complex questions of compliance with international law. Forcible measures may be at variance with the international law of the sea, binding on the eu and its Member States alike. Even if such strictures can be avoided by a broad United Nations mandate and/or the consent of the neighbouring government(s), international refugee law and international human rights law provide limitations on the measures that Operation Sophia will be tasked with. Different avenues will be explored to ensure the Operation’s compliance with these different legal regimes.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 517-525
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Milewski

The above article discusses one of the aspects of the Vandals’ religious policy in Africa, that is, deportations of Catholic bishops ordered by the Vandal kings. Of course, the Vandal kings were Arians and the fact itself defined their attitude towards Catholic clergy in North Africa, which they occupied. Describing the background of these depor­tations, their course and other repression which befell Catholic clergy (and the faithful) in Africa in the middle of the fifth century, we can only rely on the sources of Catholic authors, who had a negative attitude to the Vandals and their leaders. They portrayed them as crude and bloodthirsty tyrants, or even as psychopaths. Discussing the deportations of bishops in the reign of Genseric and Huneric, the back­ground of the events was also presented. It was deduced that the underlying reason for the persecution of Catholics was the Vandals’ urge to consolidate their power in Africa. The bishops deprived of their seats were deported by the Vandal kings to Numidia (to the grounds controlled by the Moors) or to the islands of the Mediterranean Sea (Corsica, Sardegna) which belonged to the Vandals’ state. There they were forced to hard physical work (work on the land, cutting down trees used to build ships). Many of them, however, did not reach the assigned places of exile – they died on the way from physical exhaustion.


Rough Waters ◽  
2010 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Silvia Marzagalli ◽  
James R. Sofka ◽  
John J. McCusker

In his path-breaking study of the sixteenth-century Mediterranean world, Fernand Braudel identified the “invasion” by Atlantic ships and merchants as one of the major, long-lasting events in the history of the Mediterranean Sea in early modern times.2 According to Braudel, the arrival of English, Flemish and French Atlantic vessels and their captains began discretely in the early sixteenth century as a result of an increased Mediterranean demand for cheap transport services. Within a few decades, however, northern Europeans evolved from a complementary to a commanding position in the region. Atlantic shipping and trade came to dominate the most lucrative Mediterranean trades, and the Atlantic powers steadily imposed their rules and politics on Mediterranean countries, progressively subordinating the region to Atlantic interests. Their ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 271-298
Author(s):  
Stephan F.H. Ollick

The Mediterranean Sea has long been an important and perilous route for international migrants from the coast of North Africa to the European Union (EU). Manygrants and refugees travelling on overcrowded and unseaworthy dinghies do not survive the crossing. Rising numbers of fatalities put pressure on the EU to address the Mediterranean tragedy with renewed urgency. Frontex Operation Triton (2014–) and the naval mission eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA (2015–) were launched to survey and influence migratory flows. Although thousands of migrants and refugees have thus been delivered from distress at sea, casualty rates remain staggeringly high. Some commentators and organizations have dismissed Frontex and eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA as vehicles of an isolationist political agenda. This overlooks the narrow legal, political and practical confines within which these initiatives operate. Frontex and eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA seek to attain a level of control necessary for the delayed implementation of more ambitious and forward-looking schemes. The unsophisticated, temporary nature of the regime complex currently governing the EU’s activities in the Mediterranean Sea manifests in ambiguous language, in frequent and disparate amendments, and in the brevity of the mandates thus dispensed.


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