XVI—Recent Discoveries in Romsey Abbey Church

Archaeologia ◽  
1901 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-320
Author(s):  
C. R. Peers

The remains of walls found in October and November, 1900, during the process of laying down a wood block floor in the nave and crossing of Romsey Abbey, are shown on the accompanying plan (Plate XLL). Those on the south side of the nave may be dealt with first, as they have no bearing on the structural history of the church, and the record of them is chiefly of value because they are now buried beneath 6 inches of concrete and a wood block floor, and will probably not be seen again for many years. They are of two dates, the wall running east and west being the older. This is 19 inches thick, of flint and stone rubble, and was traced from the eastern angle of the first nave pier to within 2 feet of the fourth, where it ends without a return. It is plastered on the north or inner face with a coat of rough yellowish plaster, continuous with a floor of the same character, 16 inches below the present pavement level, which is at the original level of that of the existing Norman nave. This plaster floor rests, as to its western part, on a layer of flints on the undisturbed soil, and extends along the whole length of the wall from east to west, and northwards as far as the digging went, that is, nearly to the south edge of the paving of the central alley of the nave.

1906 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 415-430
Author(s):  
Ramsay Traquair

In plan the walls surrounding the Acropolis of Sparta form an irregular oblong, terminated to the east and west by two small hills which formed citadels or outlook points. Though no single complete part remains, and in many places the walls are levelled to the ground, the lines can still be traced fairly completely. (Plate VIII. 3.)At the south eastern corner are the ruins of a Roman Stoa of the Imperial period (A). They shew a series of small compartments (Fig. 1), covered with barrel vaults, ten on either side of three larger central rooms, which are roofed with crossgroined vaults and large semicircular niches at the back. The ground on the north side is as high as the vaults and originally must have formed a terrace overlooking the street on to which the Stoa opened on its south side.


1806 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 342-347 ◽  

1. The irregular oval line, delineated on the annexed map (Plate XIV.) shows nearly the inner edge of a limestone bason, in which all the strata of coal and iron ore (commonly called Iron Stone) in South Wales are deposited; the length of this bason is upwards of 100 miles, and the average breadth in the counties of Monmouth, Glamorgan, Carmarthen, and part of Brecon, is from 18 to 20 miles, and in Pembrokeshire only from 3 to 5 miles. 2. On the north side of a line, that may be drawn in an east and west direction, ranging nearly through the middle of this bason, all the strata rise gradually northward; and on the south side of this line they rise southward, till they come to the surface, except at the east end, which is in the vicinity of Pontipool, where they rise eastward.


Archaeologia ◽  
1867 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-374
Author(s):  
Thomas Lewin

The Portus Lemanis must clearly have been one of the great thoroughfares between Britain and the Continent, and it is not a little singular that the position of a port once so famous should never have been satisfactorily settled. The common impression is that it lay at the foot of Lymne Hill. For the benefit of those who are not familiar with this neighbourhood, I should mention, in limine, that the village of Lymne or Lympne stands about 2½ miles to the west of Hythe, on the highest part of the cliff which girds in the eastern portion of Romney Marsh. On the declivity of the hill, about half-way down, is seen the old Roman castrum, called Stuttfall, occupying 10 or 12 acres. There are walls on the north, east, and west, and the east and west walls run down to the marsh itself; but, what is remarkable, the south side towards the marsh had never any wall,” and hence the erroneous notion so generally prevalent that at the foot of the castrum was once the Portus Lemanis, and that in the course of ages the sea retired from Lymne, when the port shifted to West Hythe, and that the sea again retired, when the port was transferred to Hythe. I shall endeavour to show that these changes, if they ever occurred, must have preceded the historic period, and that in the time of the Romans, as for many centuries afterwards, the only port was Hythe. In fact Portus and Hythe are the same thing, Portus in Latin being Hyð in Saxon.


1927 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 438-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Thurlow Leeds

At the end of April of last year the Rev. Charles Overy drew my attention to the presence of broken animal bones, flints, and sherds of pottery in a gravel-pit on the south side of the road from Abingdon to Radley, about a mile out of Abingdon (fig. 1).The pit lies on the very boundary of the parish of Abingdon in a field at about 200 ft. O.D., just over half a mile north of the Thames and some 30 ft. above the river. On its eastern and southern sides it is bounded by the wide trenches which in the days of the splendour of Abingdon Abbey formed part of the Abbey's fish-ponds ; on the north is the road, and on the east the ground drops to a little brook.


1998 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Forbes Manz

Temür has been many things to many people. He was nomad and city-builder, Turk and promoter of Persian culture, restorer of the Mongol order and warrior for the spread of Islam. One thing he was to all: a conqueror of unequalled scope, able to subdue both the vast areas of nomad power to the north and the centres of agrarian Islamic culture to the south. The history of his successors was one of increasing political fragmentation and economic stress. Yet they too won fame, as patrons over a period of brilliant cultural achievement in Persian and Turkic. Temür's career raises a number of questions. Why did he find it necessary to pile conquest upon conquest, each more ambitious than the last? Having conceived dreams of dominion, where did he get the power and money to fulfill them? When he died, what legacy did Temür leave to his successors and to the world which they tried to control? Finally, what was this world of Turk and Persian, and where did Temür and the Timurids belong within it?


Archaeologia ◽  
1779 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 95-97
Author(s):  
Pegge

Rudston, a village in the East-Riding of Yorkshire, on the Wolds, near Burlington, is thus noticed in bishop Gibson's edition of Camden, col. 901. “More inward into the “land, is Ruston, where, in the church-yard, is a kind of “pyramidal stone of great height. Whether the name of the “town may not have some relation to it, can be known only “from the private history of the place; but if the stone bear “any resemblance to a cross, rod in Saxon doth imply so much.” This cross, as the bishop calls it, and I think not improperly, is a very curious monument; and, no doubt, of very remote antiquity. I am not aware that it has ever been engraved, and therefore I here present the Society with an accurate drawing* of it, which I received A. 1769, from the friendly hand of Mr. Willan, whose account I shall take the liberty to subjoin. “This stone stands about four yards from the North East “corner of Rudston church, which is situated on a high hill. “Its depth under ground equal to its height above, as appeared “from an experiment made by the late Sir William Strickland. “All the four sides are a little convex, and the whole covered “with moss. No tradition in this country of any authorrity, either concerning the time, manner, or occasion of its “erection.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renato Ribeiro Passos ◽  
Liovando Marciano da Costa ◽  
Igor Rodrigues de Assis ◽  
Danilo Andrade Santos ◽  
Hugo Alberto Ruiz ◽  
...  

AbstractThe efficient use of water is increasingly important and proper soil management, within the specificities of each region of the country, allows achieving greater efficiency. The South and Caparaó regions of Espírito Santo, Brazil are characterized by relief of ‘hill seas’ with differences in the degree of pasture degradation due to sun exposure. The objective of this study was to evaluate the least limiting water range in Udox soil under degraded pastures with two faces of exposure to the sun and three pedoenvironments. In each pedoenvironment, namely Alegre, Celina, and Café, two areas were selected, one with exposure on the North/West face and the other on the South/East face. In each of these areas, undisturbed soil samples were collected at 0-10 cm depth to determine the least limiting water range. The exposed face of the pasture that received the highest solar incidence (North/West) presented the lowest values in least limiting water range. The least limiting water range proved to be a physical quality indicator for Udox soil under degraded pastures.


1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (95) ◽  
pp. 327-340
Author(s):  
Francis Thompson

The Irish land act of 1881, it is generally agreed, was a victory for the Land League and Parnell, and nationalist policy with regard to the act and the attitude of southern tenants towards it have been many times subjected to detailed examination by historians of this period. In these analyses of the events of 1880–81, however, little reference is normally made to the part played by the different parties and interests in the north of the country. It is often assumed, for example, that the Ulster tenants held aloof from the campaign for reform, lending no more than occasional vocal support to the agitational efforts of tenants in the south and west. Indeed, they were later excoriated by William O'Brien, Michael Davitt and others not only for giving no support to the land movement but also for sabotaging Parnell's policy of testing the 1881 act by precipitately rushing into the land courts to take advantage of the new legislation: ‘that hard-fisted body of men, having done nothing themselves to win the act, thought of nothing but turning it to their own immediate use, and repudiating any solidarity with the southern and western rebels to whom they really owed it’. If, however, northern tenants were harshly judged by nationalist politicians in the years after 1881, the part played by the northern political parties in the history of the land bill has been either ignored or misunderstood by historians since that time. The Ulster liberals, for example, are rarely mentioned, the implication being that they made no contribution to the act even though it implemented almost exactly the programme on which they had been campaigning for much of the previous decade. The northern conservatives, on the other hand, are commonly seen as leading opponents of the bill, more intransigent than their party colleagues in the south, ‘quick to denounce any weakening of the opposition’ to reform, and ‘determined to keep the tory party up to the mark in defending the landlord interest’


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayra R. Tocto-Erazo ◽  
Daniel Olmos-Liceaga ◽  
José A. Montoya

AbstractThe human movement plays an important rol in the spread of infectious diseases. On an urban scale, people move daily to workplaces, schools, among others. Here, we are interested in exploring the effect of the daily local stay on the variations of some characteristics of dengue dynamics such as the transmission rates and local basic reproductive numbers. For this, we use a two-patch mathematical model that explicitly considers that daily mobility of people and real data from the 2010 dengue outbreak in Hermosillo, Mexico. Based on a preliminary cluster analysis, we divide the city into two regions, the south and north sides, which determine each patch of the model. We use a Bayesian approach to estimate the transmission rates and local basic reproductive numbers of some urban mobility scenarios where residents of each patch spend daily the 100% (no human movement between patches), 75% and 50% of their day at their place of residence. For the north side, estimates of transmission rates do not vary and it is more likely that the local basic reproductive number to be greater than one for all three different scenarios. On the contrary, tranmission rates of the south side have more weight in lower values when consider the human movement between patches compared to the uncoupled case. In fact, local basic reproductive numbers less than 1 are not negligible for the south side. If information about commuting is known, this work might be useful to obtain better estimates of some contagion local properties of a patch, such as the basic reproductive number.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mine Kuset Bolkaner ◽  
Selda İnançoğlu ◽  
Buket Asilsoy

Urban furniture can be defined as aesthetics and comfort elements that reflect the identity of a city and enable the urban space to become livable. Urban furniture is an important element of the city in order to improve the quality of urban life, to create a comfortable and reliable environment and to meet the needs of the users in the best way. For designing these elements, the social, economic, cultural and architectural structure of the city should be considered and evaluated. It is important to adapt the urban furniture to the urban texture and to the cultural structure achieving an urban identity, in order to ensure the survival and sustainability of the historical environments. In this study, a study was carried out in the context of urban furniture in Nicosia Walled City, which has many architectural cultures with its historical texture. In this context, firstly the concept of urban identity and urban furniture was explained and then, information about urban furniture was given in historical circles with urban furniture samples from different countries. As a field study, a main axis was determined and the streets and squares on this axis were discussed. These areas have been explored starting from Kyrenia Gate in North Nicosia; İnönü Square, Girne Street, Atatürk Square, Arasta Square, Lokmacı Barricade and on the south side Ledra Street and Eleftherias Square. In this context, the existing furniture in the North and South were determined and evaluated in terms of urban identity accordingly. As a result, it can be suggested that the existing street furniture equipments, especially on the north side, do not have any characteristic to emphasize the urban identity. According to the findings, it was determined that the urban furniture in the streets and squares on the north side is generally older and neglected, and does not provide a unity with the environment, whereas on the south side, these elements on the street and square are relatively new, functional and environmentally compatible.Key words: urban furniture, historical environment, urban identity, Nicosia Old City


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