The Zughba at Tripoli, 429H (1037–8 A.D.)

1974 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 41-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Brett

Speaking of Tripoli, the fourteenth-century writer al-Tijāni says: ‘when the Zughba killed Sacīd ibn Khazrūn in the year 429’. Sacīd was the Zanāta lord of the city, and al-Tijānī is explaining that the venerable faqīh Ibn Munammar was driven into exile because, when Sacīd was killed, he opened the gates to a cousin of the dead man who was promptly expelled by a brother. The reference to the Zughba is thus contained within an account of the dynasty of the Banū Khazrūn which is itself contained within a biographical notice of the jurist Ibn Munammar. There is no further explanation of the killing, and no mention of it by any other writer apart from Ibn Khaldūn, who has borrowed the story from Al-Tijānī, and repeats it twice. This presents a problem. The Zughba were Arabs, a branch of the Banū Hilāl. In that case they should not have been at Tripoli at all, as Ibn Khaldūn observes, because the Banū Hilāl did not enter Ifrīqiya until they were sent from Egypt to punish the Zīrīd sultan al-Mucizz ibn Bādīs for breaking his allegiance to the Fāṭimid caliph in Cairo, and recognising the cAbbāsid caliph in Baghdad. That would have been some time after 1048, more specifically, after 1050, when the man who is usually held responsible for the invasion, al-Yāzūrī, became the Fāṭimid wazīr. The story of the invasion at the behest of al-Yāzūrī is accepted by the principal modern authority, Hady Roger Idris, who tries to explain the reference to the Zughba at Tripoli in 1037–8 by suggesting that a fraction of the tribe may have accompanied their relatives the Banū Qurra, a people settled to the west of Alexandria, when these were sent by Cairo to support an attack upon the Zīrīds of Ifrīqiya by an Ifrīqiyan pretender, Yaḥyā ibn cAlī ibn Hamdūn, in 1001–2. The Banū Qurra had helped Ya…yā to attack Tripoli, but had then returned to Egypt. Idris wonders if this hypothetical fraction of the Zughba had not stayed behind in the neighbourhood of the city.

1958 ◽  
Vol 90 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 165-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Howard Smith

The modern city of Ch'üan-Chou, in the Province of Fukien, China, and Situated Near to Amoy on the Formosa Strait, was from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries the chief port for the ocean-going trade between China and the West, particularly during the Sung (A.D. 960–1280) and the Yüan (A.D. 1280–1368) dynasties. An extensive and lucrative trade was carried on with Java, Sumatra, India, and the Persian Gulf. Through Arabic, Persian, and Syriac speaking intermediaries precious products of China found their way on to the European markets. In the thirteenth century the city of Zaitún, as it was known in the West, excited the admiration and wonder of the Polos, the early Franciscan missionaries, and Muslim travellers by the size and wealth of its commercial undertakings. With the fall of the Mongol (Yüan) dynasty about the middle of the fourteenth century the city fell on evil times from which it never fully recovered, for though some considerable trade was carried on during the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, Ch'üan-chou as an international port declined, and its great rival, Canton, grew from the time that Portuguese traders were allowed to establish themselves at Macao.


AJS Review ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ephraim Shoham-Steiner

While discussing the rites and customs of burial and mourning in his bookTashbeẓ katan, the early fourteenth-century Rabbi Shimshon ben Ẓadok made the following remark:And the fact that we spill the water [that was in the presence of the dead man] outside [after the death] is because that when Miriam died the well ceased. For it is written: ‘And there was no water for the congregation [‘eda] since it was for her merit that the well traveled [with the Israelites] and we allude to it that he [the deceased] is a great man and he is worthy that water would cease on his behalf.


Author(s):  
Edward J. Watts

The Roman Empire that Michael Palaeologus again centered on Constantinople lost significant territory across the fourteenth century to rivals like the Serbian kingdom and the rising Ottoman sultanate. A long Ottoman blockage of the capital that began in 1394 prompted the emperor Manuel II Palaeologus to travel to the West to seek help for the faltering empire. The empire was saved by Tamerlane’s defeat of the Ottomans in 1402 and Manuel then spearheaded a restoration of Roman control over parts of Greece that contemporaries celebrated in terms that evoked past Roman greatness. But the restoration was short lived and Constantinople fell to the Ottomans and their sultan Mehmet II in 1453. As the city fell, the populace waited for divine deliverance that would again spark a Roman recovery—an idea that authors like Ducas persisted in believing even after the city fell.


1991 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 520-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Van Driem

Tangut is the dead Tibeto-Burman language of the Buddhist empire of Xīxià, which was destroyed in 1227 by the Golden Horde of the Mongol warlord Temuüjin, more commonly known as Genghis Khan (c. 1162–1227). The Tangut empire was established in 1032 and comprised the modern Chinese provinces of Gānsù, Shānxī and Níngxià, extending from the Yellow River in the east to Kökö Nōr (Chinese: Qīnghăi Hù) in the west. The northern frontier of the Xīxià empire skirted the city of Qumul (Chinese: Hāmì), the river Edzin Gol (Chinese: Ruò Shuĭ), the Hèlán hills and the Yellow River. In the south, the empire extended down into the present-day province of Sichuān. The Xīxià capital was situated in what is now the city of Yinchuān (formerly Níngxiàfŭ) on the left bank of the Yellow River.


Author(s):  
Daniel W. Berman

Foundation myths are a crucial component of many Greek cities’ identities. But the mythic tradition also represents many cities and their spaces before they were cities at all. This study examines three of these ‘prefoundational’ narratives: stories of cities-before-cities that prepare, configure, or reconfigure, in a conceptual sense, the mythic ground for foundation. ‘Prefoundational’ myths vary in both form and function. Thebes, before it was Thebes, is represented as a trackless and unfortified backwater. Croton, like many Greek cities in south Italy, credited Heracles with a kind of ‘prefounding’, accomplished on his journey from the West back to central Greece. And the Athenian acropolis was the object of a quarrel between Athena and Poseidon, the results of which gave the city its name and permanently marked its topography. In each case, ‘prefoundational’ myth plays a crucial role in representing ideology, identity, and civic topography.


Author(s):  
George Hoffmann

On a warm summer afternoon in 1561, Calvin’s chief editor donned a heavy stole, thick robes, and a gleaming tiara and proceeded to strut and fret his hour upon the stage in a comedy of his own devising. For little more than a century, Christians in the West had celebrated on August 6th Christ’s Transfiguration as the son of God in shining robes. But on this Sunday in Geneva, the city council, consistory, and an audience fresh from having attended edifying sermons at morning service gathered to applaud the transfiguration of the learned Conrad Badius into the title role of ...


Author(s):  
Peter Linehan

This book springs from its author’s continuing interest in the history of Spain and Portugal—on this occasion in the first half of the fourteenth century between the recovery of each kingdom from widespread anarchy and civil war and the onset of the Black Death. Focussing on ecclesiastical aspects of the period in that region (Galicia in particular) and secular attitudes to the privatization of the Church, it raises inter alios the question why developments there did not lead to a permanent sundering of the relationship with Rome (or Avignon) two centuries ahead of that outcome elsewhere in the West. In addressing such issues, as well as of neglected material in Spanish and Portuguese archives, use is made of the also unpublished so-called ‘secret’ registers of the popes of the period. The issues it raises concern not only Spanish and Portuguese society in general but also the developing relationship further afield of the components of the eternal quadrilateral (pope, king, episcopate, and secular nobility) in late medieval Europe, as well as of the activity in that period of those caterpillars of the commonwealth, the secular-minded sapientes. In this context, attention is given to the hitherto neglected attempt of Afonso IV of Portugal to appropriate the privileges of the primatial church of his kingdom and to advance the glorification of his Castilian son-in-law, Alfonso XI, as God’s vicegerent in his.


1955 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 106-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giacomo Caputo ◽  
Richard Goodchild

Introduction.—The systematic exploration of Ptolemais (modern Tolmeita), in Cyrenaica, began in 1935 under the auspices of the Italian Government, and under the direction of the first-named writer. The general programme of excavation took into consideration not only the important Hellenistic period, which gave the city its name and saw its first development as an autonomous trading-centre, but also the late-Roman age when, upon Diocletian's reforms, Ptolemais became capital of the new province of Libya Pentapolis and a Metropolitan See, later occupied by Bishop Synesius.As one of several starting-points for the study of this later period, there was selected the area first noted by the Beecheys as containing ‘heaps of columns’, which later yielded the monumental inscriptions of Valentinian, Arcadius, and Honorius, published by Oliverio. Here excavation soon brought to light a decumanus, running from the major cardo on the west towards the great Byzantine fortress on the east. Architectural and other discoveries made in 1935–36 justified the provisional title ‘Monumental Street’ assigned to this ancient thoroughfare. In terms of the general town-plan, which is extremely regular, this street may be called ‘Decumanus II North’, since two rows of long rectangular insulae separate it from the Decumanus Maximus leading to the West Gate, still erect. The clearing of the Monumental Street and its frontages revealed the well-known Maenad reliefs, attributed to the sculptor Callimachus, a late-Roman triple Triumphal Arch, and fragments of monumental inscriptions similar in character to those previously published from the same area.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-112

AbstractIn 2016, remains of a ground-level Buddhist temple complex were found in the middle of the west zone of the Tuyoq caves in Shanshan (Piqan) County, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. This Buddhist temple complex consisted of the Buddha hall, dorms for monks, and storage facilities. In the Buddha hall, many murals of bodhisattvas, devas, and donors were found, and artifacts such as household utensils made of clay, wooden architectural components, textiles, and manuscript fragments were unearthed. The date of this Buddhist temple complex was the Qocho Uyghurs kingdom from the latter half of the tenth century to the latter half of the fourteenth century; the excavation is very important for understanding the distribution of the construction centers and the iconographical composition of the Buddhist cave temples and monasteries in the Qocho Uyghurs kingdom period.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Hamid Alshareef ◽  
François Chevrollier ◽  
Catherine Dobias-Lalou
Keyword(s):  
The Dead ◽  

Abstract This paper publishes four inscriptions recently discovered by chance in the Cyrenaican countryside. Nos 1, 2 and 3 are in Greek. No. 1, from a tomb near Mgarnes, is a funerary stele inscribed in verse for a woman whose family was of some importance in the city of Cyrene. No. 2, from the same tomb, is an anthropomorphic stele for another woman, which is discussed on the basis of the dead person's name and the vicinity of the stone to the preceding stele. No. 3, from the middle plateau below Cyrene, is a marble panel with the epitaph of two women named Cornelia, increasing our knowledge of the Cornelii family in Cyrenaica. No. 4, from near Khawlan in the south-east, is a boundary stele in Latin mentioning the boundaries of the province; combining this with the evidence from another such stone from el-Khweimat, close to Gerdes el-Gerrari towards the south-east, also mentioning the provincial boundaries, we are now able to outline the Roman limes in the central part of Djebel Akhdar.


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