PROGRESSIVISM AS A NATIONAL NARRATIVE IN BIBLICAL-HEGELIAN TIME

2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eldon J. Eisenach
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Thought ◽  
National Narrative ◽  
Regulatory State ◽  
American University ◽  
Industrial Economy ◽  
Social Christianity ◽  
Social Inquiry ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Constitutional Jurisprudence

Progressive intellectuals at the turn of the last century founded the modern American university, created its disciplines and edited the journals that codified their thoughts. They created the ligaments of the national administrative and regulatory state; they helped legitimate the creation of a national financial and industrial corporate economy. Through the writings of Lyman Abbott, Albion Small, and Simon Patten, three features of progressive thought are underlined: the primacy of a narrative, their hostility to “principled” or abstract-philosophical forms of political and social thought, and their confidence that historical modes of social inquiry would produce “laws”? of progress that would guide practice and anchor values integrating self and society on a democratic basis. Five topics contain these animating features: national patriotism, the new industrial economy, a new democratic ethic, social Christianity, and their critique of the dominance of constitutional jurisprudence and law in American political institutions and practices.

Radical Republicanism

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Social Thought ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Economic Institutions ◽  
Wage Labour ◽  
Social Domination ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Radical Republicanism ◽  
Radical Transformation

Republicanism is a powerful resource for emancipatory struggles against domination. Its commitment to popular sovereignty subverts justifications of authority, locating power in the hands of the citizenry who hold the capacity to create, transform, and maintain their political institutions. Republicanism’s conception of freedom rejects social, political, and economic structures subordinating citizens to any uncontrolled power—from capitalism and wage labour to patriarchy and imperialism. It views any such domination as inimical to republican freedom. Moreover, it combines a revolutionary commitment to overturning despotic and tyrannical regimes with the creation of political and economic institutions that realize the sovereignty of all citizens, institutions that are resilient to threats of oligarchical control. This volume is dedicated to retrieving and developing this radical potential, challenging the more conventional moderate conceptions of republicanism. It brings together scholars at the forefront of tracing this radical heritage of the republican tradition, and developing arguments, texts, and practices into a critical and emancipatory body of political and social thought. The volume spans historical discussions of the English Levellers, French and Ottoman revolutionaries, and American abolitionists and trade unionists; explorations of the radical republican aspects of the thought of Machiavelli, Marx, and Rousseau; and theoretical examinations of social domination and popular constitutionalism. It will appeal to political theorists, historians of political thought, and political activists interested in how republicanism provides a robust and successful radical transformation to existing social and political orders.

scholarly journals Political Institutions and Coups in Dictatorships

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402199716
Author(s):  
Nam Kyu Kim ◽  
Jun Koga Sudduth
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
The Creation

Does the creation of nominally democratic institutions help dictators stay in power by diminishing the risk of coups? We posit that the effectiveness of political institutions in deterring coups crucially depends on the types of plotters and their political goals. By providing a means to address the ruling coalition’s primary concerns about a dictator’s opportunism or incompetence, institutions reduce the necessity of reshuffling coups, in which the ruling coalition replaces an incumbent leader but keeps the regime intact. However, such institutions do not diminish the risk of regime-changing coups, because the plotters’ goals of overthrowing the entire regime and changing the group of ruling coalition are not achievable via activities within the institutions. Our empirical analysis provides strong empirical support for our expectations. Our findings highlight that the role of “democratic” institutions in deterring coups is rather limited as it only applies to less than 38% of coup attempts.

scholarly journals Ferdinand Lassale and the General German Workers’ Association

2017 ◽  
pp. 261-278
Author(s):  
Natalia Papenko
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Historical Figure ◽  
Long Time ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Xix Century

The article considers activity of particular representative of German socialistic movement – Ferdinand Lassalle. Historical figure of this person is connected with the history of German labor movement, the creation of first independent labor organization – the General German Workers’ Association (1863). Historical image of F. Lassalle was for the long time being brightened by historians one-sidedly, through ideological and personal difficulties with K. Marx and F. Engels. Unlike K.Marx, for whom a state and its structures where just superstructure, in other words – social and economic basis, for F.Lassale development of social formation is a natural historical process. K. Marx gambled on revolution, which had to destroy internal contradictions of the society, while F. Lassale gambled on parliament fighting, which, in his opinion, would discover the way to democratic transformations in society. F. Lassalle remains being bright, talented and discrepant person. Generally, his life and activity in the whole will have always been interesting for researchers. The whole of his life he was emphatically espousing the general, equal, straight right to vote, which, to his mind, would eliminate different problems of capitalist system and would promote building of democratic society. He was attracted by the idea of republic and democratic lawful state. F. Lassale had been studying problems of state and power, insisted on meaning of political institutions, role of human factor in history. He thought that constitution is a reflection of correlation of powers in fight for authority. That is why, by the means of agitation and popularization of democratic ideas he was trying to unite the labor movement to greater activity and to rally it. By the beginning of the 60th of XIX century he had been an adherent of democratic lawful state with the republican form of government. In the second half of the 60th he became a supporter of “social monarchy”. During his presidency at the General German Workers’ Association, the principles of authoritarianism were the dominating features of his activity. The General German Workers’ Association, which was created by him, afterwards facilitated the creation of German social democratic party.

The Mission to China

2020 ◽  
pp. 11-33
Author(s):  
Thomas H. Reilly
Keyword(s):  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Social Gospel ◽  
Industrial Economy ◽  
Social Christianity ◽  
The Social ◽  
American Protestantism ◽  
The Relationship

American Protestantism determined to a large extent the nature of the mission errand to China, especially in the Chinese Protestant elite’s understanding of social Christianity. American Protestantism, however, suffered from certain weaknesses in its own understanding of the relationship between Christianity and society, and this weakness was most evident in the message of the Social Gospel. The Social Gospel aimed to reshape the modern industrial economy, so that it was more humane to workers and more beneficial to society. That message, though, was compromised in its transmission to China by its association with imperialism. Beyond this message of the Social Gospel, American missions were also the early benefactors of the main institutions—colleges and universities, the YMCA and the YWCA—through which the Protestant elite influenced the larger society.

Part IV Separation of Powers, Ch.22 The Administrative and Regulatory State

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Somanathan TV
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Administrative State ◽  
Regulatory State ◽  
Judicial Decisions ◽  
Regulatory Bodies ◽  
Regulatory Functions ◽  
Constitutional Jurisprudence

This chapter explores how India’s constitutional law has addressed the administrative and regulatory State as it has evolved outside the traditional branches of government, and how judicial review is exercised over it. It begins by providing a background on constitutional issues relating to the administrative State as it functions within the executive branch, before turning to a discussion of the major regulatory bodies that either are explicitly called ‘regulatory’ or exercise regulatory functions. It then considers the constitutional position of the administrative and regulatory State based on judicial decisions and on the Indian Constitution. It also examines the conceptual underpinnings of, and justification for, the regulatory State, along with some specific concerns arising from the regulatory State such as legal uncertainty and excessive delegation. The chapter concludes by analysing some of the issues associated with the emerging constitutional jurisprudence on the regulatory State.

scholarly journals Regulatory State and Judicial Decisions in Telecommunications in Mexico

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-36
Author(s):  
Clara Luz Alvarez
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regulatory State ◽  
Judicial Decisions ◽  
Technical Issues ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Practical Implications

Purpose – To assess the role of the judiciary in defining the Regulatory State and in regulating telecommunications in Mexico after almost 5 years of the creation of an independent regulator for telecommunications and broadcasting (Instituto Federal de Telecomunicaciones) with authority in antitrust matters. Methodology/approach/design – To identify the most relevant judicial decisions in telecommunications and antitrust matters, research upon the context in which they were adopted, analyze the content of the decisions and identify the impact of such judicial decisions in the construction of the Mexican Regulatory State, and in the law, in regulation/acts of the regulator. Findings – The main findings are that: (1) the Mexican Regulatory State is a reality now, even if it is in its beginnings; (2) Congress is receptive to Judiciary´s decisions; and (3) deference by judiciary to the regulator is not a blank check, even if there are complex technical issues and a discretionary decision. Practical implications – The identification of a Regulatory State in Mexico evidences that there are deep changes in the traditional relationship between Congress and regulators. Also, the deference granted by the courts to regulators must be considered as a consequence of such Regulatory State. Nonetheless and despite the deference to regulators, Judiciary´s role in building the telecommunications and broadcasting sector is paramount, because judicial decisions ultimately define it. Originality/value – Major changes to telecommunications and broadcasting have taken place in Mexico in the last years. Therefore, there has been scarce research and analysis about the new role of regulators, legislators, and judges, in the so called Regulatory State in Mexico. Moreover, the experience of Mexico may be valuable for other scholars which are assessing public policy in their own Latin American countries or in countries with similarities to them.

Haitian Sovereignty

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurent Dubois
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Haitian Revolution ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Haitian Revolution ◽  
Plantation System

“Haitian Sovereignty” explores three intertwined legacies of the Haitian Revolution on political thought and practice in the country: the largely hostile reaction to it outside the country, the formation of new political institutions and structures, and, most importantly, the creation of a new set of cultural, social, and economic structures that Jean Casimir has called the “counter-plantation” system. This chapter identifies both the main currents and critical counter-currents within each of these legacies, calling attention to the aspects of the latter legacies that seem to be the most valuable and worth comprehending and nourishing in constructing new Haitian futures.

The Bounded Politics of School Desegregation Litigation

1981 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Kirp
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Trial Courts ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Brown Decision ◽  
Contemporary School

The courts, a dominant force in the creation of school desegregation policy, are commonly perceived as making decisions primarily legalistic in nature. In this article, David Kirp examines the evolution of Supreme Court doctrine since the Brown decision in 1954; the progression of specific desegregation cases through the trial courts; and the interchange between political institutions and the courts at the local level. His analysis reveals that the decision-making process in contemporary school desegregation cases is both a political and a constitutional event.

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