brown decision
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Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (9) ◽  
pp. 681
Author(s):  
Tammy Heise

In 1957, Little Rock became a flash point for conflict over the U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown decision. This article examines Little Rock as a religious symbol for white southerners—especially white southern evangelicals—as they sought to exercise their self-appointed roles as cultural guardians to devise competing, but ultimately complementary, strategies to manage social change to limit desegregation and other civil rights expansions for African Americans. This history reveals how support for segregation helped to convert white southern evangelicals to conservative political activism in this period.


Author(s):  
Zoë Burkholder

Chapter 3 highlights a resurgence of northern Black support for school integration alongside the expanding civil rights movement. The outbreak of World War II created economic opportunities that drew Black migrants North in a second wave and sparked more militant civil rights activism. NAACP leaders persuaded northern Black communities to reject school segregation. By citing anti-discrimination legislation and organizing petitions and boycotts, these activists won the formal desegregation of public schools in the North between 1940 and 1954. A potent combination of civil rights activism, the decline of scientific racism, and the emergence of the Cold War pushed school integration to the forefront of national politics. Following the Brown decision, northern Blacks demanded school integration. The process was contentious, especially when districts closed Black schools and fired Black teachers. By 1965, many Black northerners expressed frustration with school integration and what they viewed as its failure to improve the quality of education for Black youth.


2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (5) ◽  
pp. 69-69
Author(s):  
Lois Beardslee

In this monthly column, Kappan authors discuss books and articles that have informed their views on education. Lois Beardslee recommends Jim Crow’s Children: The Broken Promises of the Brown Decision by Peter Irons. Adam Laats recommends The Creationists: From Scientific Creationism to Intelligent Design by Ronald Numbers. And Antony Farag recommends An Indigenous People’s History of the United States by Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz and other books in the Revising History series.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 281-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Callahan ◽  
David DeMatthews ◽  
Pedro Reyes

In 1974, the Supreme Court drew on the 1954 Brown decision in Lau v Nichols, placing English learner (EL) students’ right to a meaningful education at the forefront of educational policy. Subsequent federal decisions and legislation (i.e., Castañeda; Equal Educational Opportunities Act [EEOA], No Child Left Behind [NCLB], and Every Student Succeeds Act [ESSA]) have placed the responsibility for providing quality educational programming on districts, schools, and school leaders. In this article, we propose a framework for the integration of linguistic equity in leadership preparation and an historical case of a university-based principal preparation program that has integrated this framework into coursework and clinical experiences.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Gillespie McRae

Examining racial segregation from 1920s to the 1970s, this book argues that white segregationist women constituted the grassroots workforce for racial segregation. For decades, they censored textbooks, campaigned against the United Nations, denied marriage certificates, celebrated school choice, and lobbied elected officials. They trained generations, built national networks, collapsed their duties as white mothers with those of citizenship, and experimented with a color-blind political discourse. Their work beyond legislative halls empowered the Jim Crow order with a flexibility and a kind of staying power. With white women at the center of the story, massive resistance and the rise of postwar conservatism rises out of white women’s grassroots work in homes, schools, political parties, and culture. Their efforts began before World War II and the Brown Decision and persisted past the removal of “white only” signs in 1964 and through the anti-busing protests. White women’s segregationist politics involved foreign affairs, economic policy, family values, strict constitutionalism, states’ rights, and white supremacy. It stretched across the nation and overlapped with and helped shape the rise of the New Right. In the end, this history compels us to confront the reign of racial segregation as a national story. It asks us to reconsider who sustained the Jim Crow order, who bears responsibility for the persistence of the nation’s inequities, and what it will take to make good on the nation’s promise of equality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-21
Author(s):  
Stephanie R. Logan

School choice in the United States can be traced back to the start of civil society when wealthy families selected a school based on educational philosophy, location, or religious tradition. As common schools emerged, larger portions of the population were able to gain access to education. However, many discovered that quality public schools were not a reality for all students. In response, some looked to school choices within and outside of the public school sector. This literature review chronicles school choice efforts to emerge following the 1954 Brown decision and highlights liberal and conservative political heritages of school choice in the United States.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 1197-1226
Author(s):  
Michael R. Glass

During the legal battles that followed the 1954 Brown decision, the de jure-de facto binary became the key legal distinction used to define the limits of school desegregation. In recent years, historians have labeled de facto segregation as an evasive and misleading “myth.” However, the concept had a long political career before it became a subterfuge. In fact, civil rights activists first invented the concept in an attempt to force legal recognition of segregated schools outside of the South. But in an ironic turn of events, school officials, judges, lawmakers, journalists, and ordinary citizens later appropriated the phrase to deny responsibility for the color line. Thus, what began as an allegation of racial discrimination ultimately became an impenetrable defense of legal innocence. This article recovers the decade of fierce public debates surrounding northern school desegregation by tracing the evolution of de facto segregation from allegation to defense to myth.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 244-251
Author(s):  
Cheryl Brown Henderson ◽  
Steven M Brown

Sixty-two years after the Brown decision, American schools are collapsing under the weight of an antiquated system of school finance, pockets of poverty, and a ‘Black and Browning’ urban core. This article focuses on the march backwards to the de facto re-segregation of our nation’s public schools. In 2016, the racial and ethnic divides that plagued previous generations persist, but we have become less willing to talk earnestly about them and less equipped with responses that reach their core. Education is where we must start. The first step in producing quality schooling for all is to have candid discussions that link the inequalities of the past to the conditions of the present. Until we do that, we will continue to spin our wheels in a deliberately slow manner, wondering why, over 62 years after Brown v. Board of Education, we can still point to schools that are separate and unequal.


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