Radical Republicanism

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Social Thought ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Economic Institutions ◽  
Wage Labour ◽  
Social Domination ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Radical Republicanism ◽  
Radical Transformation

Republicanism is a powerful resource for emancipatory struggles against domination. Its commitment to popular sovereignty subverts justifications of authority, locating power in the hands of the citizenry who hold the capacity to create, transform, and maintain their political institutions. Republicanism’s conception of freedom rejects social, political, and economic structures subordinating citizens to any uncontrolled power—from capitalism and wage labour to patriarchy and imperialism. It views any such domination as inimical to republican freedom. Moreover, it combines a revolutionary commitment to overturning despotic and tyrannical regimes with the creation of political and economic institutions that realize the sovereignty of all citizens, institutions that are resilient to threats of oligarchical control. This volume is dedicated to retrieving and developing this radical potential, challenging the more conventional moderate conceptions of republicanism. It brings together scholars at the forefront of tracing this radical heritage of the republican tradition, and developing arguments, texts, and practices into a critical and emancipatory body of political and social thought. The volume spans historical discussions of the English Levellers, French and Ottoman revolutionaries, and American abolitionists and trade unionists; explorations of the radical republican aspects of the thought of Machiavelli, Marx, and Rousseau; and theoretical examinations of social domination and popular constitutionalism. It will appeal to political theorists, historians of political thought, and political activists interested in how republicanism provides a robust and successful radical transformation to existing social and political orders.

Haitian Sovereignty

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurent Dubois
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Haitian Revolution ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Haitian Revolution ◽  
Plantation System

“Haitian Sovereignty” explores three intertwined legacies of the Haitian Revolution on political thought and practice in the country: the largely hostile reaction to it outside the country, the formation of new political institutions and structures, and, most importantly, the creation of a new set of cultural, social, and economic structures that Jean Casimir has called the “counter-plantation” system. This chapter identifies both the main currents and critical counter-currents within each of these legacies, calling attention to the aspects of the latter legacies that seem to be the most valuable and worth comprehending and nourishing in constructing new Haitian futures.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Bruno Leipold ◽  
Karma Nabulsi ◽  
Stuart White
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Historical Overview ◽  
Radical Republicanism

In the Introduction of this book we begin by providing a conceptual and historical overview of radical republicanism, with a particular emphasis on the key role that popular sovereignty plays in the radical tradition, exploring how it relates to three central issues of concern to republicans. These issues are (1) how the ideals of the tradition can be realized in political and social movements; (2) what republican political institutions should look like; and (3) how its economy should be structured. Finally, we finish the Introduction by providing an overview of the volume’s contents, and highlight the aspects of each chapter.

The Intellectual Origins of Turkish Radical Republicanism

2020 ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
Banu Turnaoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Secret Society ◽  
The Core ◽  
International Solidarity ◽  
Intellectual Origins ◽  
Head Of Government ◽  
Radical Republicanism

This chapter traces the radical heritage of Turkish republicanism to the political thought of the radical branch of the Young Ottoman secret society. It examines the core republican principles of several leading Young Ottoman radicals: Sağır Ahmed Beyzâde Mehmed, İskender Beyzâde Reşad, and Subhî Paşazâde Nuri. The core notions of their ideology entail freedom from oppression, a deep commitment to popular sovereignty and constitutionalism, an emphasis on political activism and revolution, a stress on international solidarity and peace, and a recognition of the need for social equality. Their republicanism was antithetical to monarchy, and a central aim was the abolition of the sultanate by force, but unlike European republican models they wanted the head of government to be a non-hereditary elected caliph. Although less known than some of their intellectual counterparts, the role they played in the development of Turkish republicanism proved no less pervasive and profound.

PROGRESSIVISM AS A NATIONAL NARRATIVE IN BIBLICAL-HEGELIAN TIME

2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eldon J. Eisenach
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Thought ◽  
National Narrative ◽  
Regulatory State ◽  
American University ◽  
Industrial Economy ◽  
Social Christianity ◽  
Social Inquiry ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Constitutional Jurisprudence

Progressive intellectuals at the turn of the last century founded the modern American university, created its disciplines and edited the journals that codified their thoughts. They created the ligaments of the national administrative and regulatory state; they helped legitimate the creation of a national financial and industrial corporate economy. Through the writings of Lyman Abbott, Albion Small, and Simon Patten, three features of progressive thought are underlined: the primacy of a narrative, their hostility to “principled” or abstract-philosophical forms of political and social thought, and their confidence that historical modes of social inquiry would produce “laws”? of progress that would guide practice and anchor values integrating self and society on a democratic basis. Five topics contain these animating features: national patriotism, the new industrial economy, a new democratic ethic, social Christianity, and their critique of the dominance of constitutional jurisprudence and law in American political institutions and practices.

Fighting Corruption

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentina Arena
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Roman Republic ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
The Public ◽  
Republican Rome ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Late Roman

Corruption was seen as a major factor in the collapse of Republican Rome, as Valentina Arena’s subsequent essay “Fighting Corruption: Political Thought and Practice in the Late Roman Republic” argues. It was in reaction to this perception of the Republic’s political fortunes that an array of legislative and institutional measures were established and continually reformed to become more effective. What this chapter shows is that, as in Greece, the public sphere was distinct from the private sphere and, importantly, it was within this distinction that the foundations of anticorruption measures lay. Moreover, it is difficult to defend the existence of a major disjuncture between moralistic discourses and legal-political institutions designed to patrol the public/private divide: both were part of the same discourse and strategy to curb corruption and improve government.

scholarly journals Political Institutions and Coups in Dictatorships

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402199716
Author(s):  
Nam Kyu Kim ◽  
Jun Koga Sudduth
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
The Creation

Does the creation of nominally democratic institutions help dictators stay in power by diminishing the risk of coups? We posit that the effectiveness of political institutions in deterring coups crucially depends on the types of plotters and their political goals. By providing a means to address the ruling coalition’s primary concerns about a dictator’s opportunism or incompetence, institutions reduce the necessity of reshuffling coups, in which the ruling coalition replaces an incumbent leader but keeps the regime intact. However, such institutions do not diminish the risk of regime-changing coups, because the plotters’ goals of overthrowing the entire regime and changing the group of ruling coalition are not achievable via activities within the institutions. Our empirical analysis provides strong empirical support for our expectations. Our findings highlight that the role of “democratic” institutions in deterring coups is rather limited as it only applies to less than 38% of coup attempts.

scholarly journals Ethnic Hatred and Universal Benevolence: Ethnicity and Loyalty in Precolonial Myanmar, and Britain

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-338
Author(s):  
Victor Lieberman
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Pressures ◽  
Legal Equality ◽  
The One

AbstractInsisting on a radical divide between post-1750 ideologies in Europe and earlier political thought in both Europe and Asia, modernist scholars of nationalism have called attention, quite justifiably, to European nationalisms’ unique focus on popular sovereignty, legal equality, territorial fixity, and the primacy of secular over universal religious loyalties. Yet this essay argues that nationalism also shared basic developmental and expressive features with political thought in pre-1750 Europe as well as in rimland—that is to say outlying—sectors of Asia. Polities in Western Europe and rimland Asia were all protected against Inner Asian occupation, all enjoyed relatively cohesive local geographies, and all experienced economic and social pressures to integration that were not only sustained but surprisingly synchronized throughout the second millennium. In Western Europe and rimland Asia each major state came to identify with a named ethnicity, specific artifacts became badges of inclusion, and central ethnicity expanded and grew more standardized. Using Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain as case studies, this essay reconstructs these centuries-long similarities in process and form between “political ethnicity,” on the one hand, and modern nationalism, on the other. Finally, however, this essay explores cultural and material answers to the obvious question: if political ethnicities in Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain were indeed comparable, why did the latter realm alone generate recognizable expressions of nationalism? As such, this essay both strengthens and weakens claims for European exceptionalism.

Foreign aid’s impact on domestic business climates

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nabamita Dutta ◽  
Russell S. Sobel ◽  
Sanjukta Roy
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
North American ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Economic Institutions ◽  
Business Climate ◽  
Government Regulations ◽  
Content Type

Purpose Existing literature has expressed significant pessimism about the outcomes of foreign aid received by developing nations. Foreign aid can lead to negative outcomes by generating greater rent-seeking opportunities and creating aid dependence. While aid’s negative impact has been explored in the context of growth, political institutions, and economic institutions, the literature has not investigated the effect of aid on business climate of recipient nations. The purpose of this paper is to explore foreign aid’s impact on government regulations on the business climate in Sub-Saharan African (SSA) and Middle East and North American countries. Design/methodology/approach The authors consider a panel of 64 countries over six years. Since foreign aid is most likely to be endogenous, as identified in most studies, the identification strategy follows two methodologies – system GMM estimator, that creates its own instruments via moment generating conditions and instrumental variable approach that relies on an external instrument. Findings The authors find that aid worsens the business climate by increasing government restrictions. Foreign aid provides the recipient governments and the political elite resources to strengthen their power and reinforce predatory policies that are harmful for the business climate. The results further show that in the presence of long-lasting and sustainable democratic regimes, the negative impact of foreign aid on business climate mitigates to a certain extent. Originality/value While aid’s negative impact has been explored in the context of growth, political institutions, and economic institutions, the literature has not investigated the effect of aid on business climate of recipient nations. The authors explore the impact of foreign aid on government regulations on the business climate in SSA and Middle East and North American countries.

The Political Thought of Montaigne

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Biancamaria Fontana
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Control Individual ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Royal Authority ◽  
Degree Of Certainty ◽  
New Type ◽  
New Vision ◽  
Religious Dogma

Presenting Montaigne’s “political” thought is in itself a problematic exercise. While the Essays are relevant to our understanding of sixteenth-century political discourse, and to the broader reflection of political philosophy, Montaigne did not see politics as a separate domain of human activity; indeed, he questioned the possibility to predict with any degree of certainty, and to control individual and collective human behavior. In the Essays the author developed a full-scale critique of Old Regime society, a system built upon relations of personal dependence and servitude: his attack focused on contemporary social practices and on their founding principles: tradition, the law, royal authority, and religious dogma. Montaigne did not advocate the establishment of a new type of regime, as he was convinced that the form of political institutions was largely dependent on habit and custom. He did suggest the possibility of a new vision of community, one based upon greater equality, toleration, communication, and economic exchange.

scholarly journals Ferdinand Lassale and the General German Workers’ Association

2017 ◽  
pp. 261-278
Author(s):  
Natalia Papenko
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Historical Figure ◽  
Long Time ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Xix Century

The article considers activity of particular representative of German socialistic movement – Ferdinand Lassalle. Historical figure of this person is connected with the history of German labor movement, the creation of first independent labor organization – the General German Workers’ Association (1863). Historical image of F. Lassalle was for the long time being brightened by historians one-sidedly, through ideological and personal difficulties with K. Marx and F. Engels. Unlike K.Marx, for whom a state and its structures where just superstructure, in other words – social and economic basis, for F.Lassale development of social formation is a natural historical process. K. Marx gambled on revolution, which had to destroy internal contradictions of the society, while F. Lassale gambled on parliament fighting, which, in his opinion, would discover the way to democratic transformations in society. F. Lassalle remains being bright, talented and discrepant person. Generally, his life and activity in the whole will have always been interesting for researchers. The whole of his life he was emphatically espousing the general, equal, straight right to vote, which, to his mind, would eliminate different problems of capitalist system and would promote building of democratic society. He was attracted by the idea of republic and democratic lawful state. F. Lassale had been studying problems of state and power, insisted on meaning of political institutions, role of human factor in history. He thought that constitution is a reflection of correlation of powers in fight for authority. That is why, by the means of agitation and popularization of democratic ideas he was trying to unite the labor movement to greater activity and to rally it. By the beginning of the 60th of XIX century he had been an adherent of democratic lawful state with the republican form of government. In the second half of the 60th he became a supporter of “social monarchy”. During his presidency at the General German Workers’ Association, the principles of authoritarianism were the dominating features of his activity. The General German Workers’ Association, which was created by him, afterwards facilitated the creation of German social democratic party.

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