The acquisition of the voicing contrast in English: a study of voice onset time in word-initial stop consonants

1980 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlys A. Macken ◽  
David Barton

ABSTRACTThis paper reports on a longitudinal study of the acquisition of the voicing contrast in American English word-initial stop consonants, as measured by voice onset time. Four monolingual children were recorded at two-week intervals, beginning when the children were about 1; 6. Data provide evidence for three general stages: (1) the child has no contrast; (2) the child has a contrast but one that falls within the adult perceptual boundaries of one (usually voiced) phoneme and thus is presumably not perceptible to adults; and (3) the child has a contrast that resembles the adult contrast. The rate and nature of the developmental process are discussed in relation to two competing models for phonological acquisition and two hypotheses regarding the skills being learned.

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Z. S. Bond ◽  
Howard F. Wilson

Voicing is a phonological contrast which emerges early in the speech of children. However, the acoustic correlates of the voicing contrast for stop consonants are fairly complex. In the initial position, voicing is cued primarily by the relative timing of articulatory versus laryngeal gestures. In the final position, the duration of the preceding vowel is associated with the voicing contrast of stop consonants. The purpose of this study was to examine the pattern of acquisition of the voicing contrast in the speech of ten children diagnosed as language-delayed in comparison with the acquisition of the voicing contrast by normal speaking children. The language-delayed and normal-speaking children were matched according to mean length of utterance (MLU) and placed in one of Brown's five developmental stages. Each participant was first given a short test, using natural speech, to determine his or her ability to identify minimal pairs differing in the voicing of stop consonants. Those who passed the test were recorded under standard recording conditions repeating 12 test words. The test words contrasted voiced and voiceless stop consonants in initial and final positions. Spectrograms of the three best productions of each word were used to examine voice-onset time for stops in initial position and preceding vowel duration for stops in final position. Although the language-delayed and normal-speaking children showed equivalent linguistic sophistication (as measured by MLU), the language-delayed children's control of the acoustic-phonetic details of the voicing contrast was less mature than that of the normal-speaking children.


1980 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlys A. Macken ◽  
David Barton

ABSTRACTThis paper reports on the acquisition of the voicing contrast in Mexican–Spanish word-initial stops. In Study 1, three monolingual children were recorded every two weeks for seven months, beginning when the children were about 1; 7. In Study 2, four monolingual children about 3; 10 were recorded once or twice. Two analyses were done. Instrumental analysis of the stop productions revealed that not even by age 3; 10 were the children consistently distinguishing between voiced–voiceless stop cognate pairs on the basis of adult-like voice-onset time characteristics. The spirantization analysis, however, more clearly revealed the children's phonological knowledge. Discussion focuses on the implications of the data for phonological development in general and for the phonological description of voicing in Spanish.


1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Forrest ◽  
Barbara K. Rockman

Spectrographic measures of voice onset time (VOT) were made for phonologically disordered children in whom a voicing contrast was just beginning to emerge. These temporal measures were related to adult listeners' perception of voicing of the initial stop consonant to determine how well VOT could predict perceived voicing. In general, the predictive utility of VOT was not very high. The relation between VOT as produced by the phonologically disordered children and perceived voicing ranged from 0.31 to 0.43. A finer-grained analysis was conducted to determine what other acoustic cues might have influenced the listeners' judgments of voicing. Although no one acoustic cue could be found to explain all listeners' responses, spectral cues such as fundamental and F 1 frequencies at the onset of voicing, as well as the burst and aspiration amplitude relative to the vowel onset amplitude accounted for the perceived voicing of about half of the tokens that were not differentiated by VOT. Rather than relying solely on the temporal characteristics of the VOT interval, a matrix of acoustic cues may influence how a listener perceives word-initial voicing as produced by phonologically disordered children.


1986 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Gandour ◽  
Soranee Holasuit Petty ◽  
Rochana Dardarananda ◽  
Sumalee Dechongkit ◽  
Sunee Mukngoen

ABSTRACTThis paper reports on a cross-sectional acoustical investigation of the development of the voicing contrast in Thai word-initial stops. Voice onset time (VOT) productions associated with three bilabial stops (/b p ph/), three alveolar stops (/d t th/), and two velar stops (/k kh/) were measured in seven 3-year-old children, seven 5-year-old children, seven 7-year-old children, and seven adults. Within each age group, differences in mean VOT between homorganic stop consonants indicated that 3-year-olds have acquired all voicing contrasts except /b/ vs. /p/ and /d/ vs. /t/. By age five, children have acquired all voicing contrasts. However, as measured by differences in mean VOT across age groups, 5-year-olds still do not produce /b/ or/d/ in an adult-like manner. Issues concerning the order of acquisition and nature of development of stop consonants are discussed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026765832110089
Author(s):  
Daniel J Olson

Featural approaches to second language phonetic acquisition posit that the development of new phonetic norms relies on sub-phonemic features, expressed through a constellation of articulatory gestures and their corresponding acoustic cues, which may be shared across multiple phonemes. Within featural approaches, largely supported by research in speech perception, debate remains as to the fundamental scope or ‘size’ of featural units. The current study examines potential featural relationships between voiceless and voiced stop consonants, as expressed through the voice onset time cue. Native English-speaking learners of Spanish received targeted training on Spanish voiceless stop consonant production through a visual feedback paradigm. Analysis focused on the change in voice onset time, for both voiceless (i.e. trained) and voiced (i.e. non-trained) phonemes, across the pretest, posttest, and delayed posttest. The results demonstrated a significant improvement (i.e. reduction) in voice onset time for voiceless stops, which were subject to the training paradigm. In contrast, there was no significant change in the non-trained voiced stop consonants. These results suggest a limited featural relationship, with independent voice onset time (VOT) cues for voiceless and voices phonemes. Possible underlying mechanisms that limit feature generalization in second language (L2) phonetic production, including gestural considerations and acoustic similarity, are discussed.


1999 ◽  
Vol 82 (5) ◽  
pp. 2346-2357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitchell Steinschneider ◽  
Igor O. Volkov ◽  
M. Daniel Noh ◽  
P. Charles Garell ◽  
Matthew A. Howard

Voice onset time (VOT) is an important parameter of speech that denotes the time interval between consonant onset and the onset of low-frequency periodicity generated by rhythmic vocal cord vibration. Voiced stop consonants (/b/, /g/, and /d/) in syllable initial position are characterized by short VOTs, whereas unvoiced stop consonants (/p/, /k/, and t/) contain prolonged VOTs. As the VOT is increased in incremental steps, perception rapidly changes from a voiced stop consonant to an unvoiced consonant at an interval of 20–40 ms. This abrupt change in consonant identification is an example of categorical speech perception and is a central feature of phonetic discrimination. This study tested the hypothesis that VOT is represented within auditory cortex by transient responses time-locked to consonant and voicing onset. Auditory evoked potentials (AEPs) elicited by stop consonant-vowel (CV) syllables were recorded directly from Heschl's gyrus, the planum temporale, and the superior temporal gyrus in three patients undergoing evaluation for surgical remediation of medically intractable epilepsy. Voiced CV syllables elicited a triphasic sequence of field potentials within Heschl's gyrus. AEPs evoked by unvoiced CV syllables contained additional response components time-locked to voicing onset. Syllables with a VOT of 40, 60, or 80 ms evoked components time-locked to consonant release and voicing onset. In contrast, the syllable with a VOT of 20 ms evoked a markedly diminished response to voicing onset and elicited an AEP very similar in morphology to that evoked by the syllable with a 0-ms VOT. Similar response features were observed in the AEPs evoked by click trains. In this case, there was a marked decrease in amplitude of the transient response to the second click in trains with interpulse intervals of 20–25 ms. Speech-evoked AEPs recorded from the posterior superior temporal gyrus lateral to Heschl's gyrus displayed comparable response features, whereas field potentials recorded from three locations in the planum temporale did not contain components time-locked to voicing onset. This study demonstrates that VOT at least partially is represented in primary and specific secondary auditory cortical fields by synchronized activity time-locked to consonant release and voicing onset. Furthermore, AEPs exhibit features that may facilitate categorical perception of stop consonants, and these response patterns appear to be based on temporal processing limitations within auditory cortex. Demonstrations of similar speech-evoked response patterns in animals support a role for these experimental models in clarifying selected features of speech encoding.


1993 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Petrosino ◽  
Roger D. Colcord ◽  
Karen B. Kurcz ◽  
Robert J. Yonker

Voice onset time (VOT) was measured for voiced and voiceless velar stop consonants across three vowel contexts (/i, a, u/) in healthy young adult and older subjects. Analysis showed that mean VOT values for both /k/ and /g/ across the three vowel contexts did not differ between the two groups; however, differences in VOT variability (standard deviation) approached significance; the older subjects exhibited increased variability. This apparent increase in variability may be related to the subtle anatomical and physiological changes with age.


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