Theatrical Pageants in the Second World War

1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 186-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Nicholson

During the 1920s and 30s, several left-wing theatre movements developed in Britain, committed to creating a political discourse in venues and forms unknown within the existing cultural mainstream. Such organizations as The Workers′ Theatre Movement, Unity Theatre and Theatre of Action were all–to a greater or lesser extent–resolutely oppositional to the Establishment and outside the jurisdiction of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of censorship. In the early 40s the situation changed, as individuals and theatrical forms previously associated with the Left were adopted by the Establishment, most notably through ENSA and the BBC.

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-58
Author(s):  
Peter Deli

There has been extensive debate on changing attitudes within the French left-wing intelligentsia in the decades following the Second World War and more specifically on why so many intellectuals became fellow travellers and were attracted to Stalinism in the period between 1945 and 1953. Esprit's reactions to de-Stalinisation from the time of the Russian invasion of Hungary in 1956 to the Soviet suppression of the Czech attempt to reform communism from within in 1968 are of interest, since Esprit was the most prominent Catholic left-wing but non-Marxist journal in France. In view of Esprit's very strong reaction to the Hungarian Revolution, its relative silence in 1968 on the drama that was being played out in Czechoslovakia requires explanation. Finally, because Esprit broke with communism in late 1956, intellectuals writing for that journal experienced little difficulty in adjusting to the new French intellectual climate of the mid-1970s.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Svetlana Suveica

AbstractThe author outlines the way identity perspectives determine the understanding of World War Two in Moldovan society, and the role of historians in this conception. She discusses how historians have adjusted their writing to fit a certain political discourse and have influenced how and what should people ‘remember’. Further questions at stake touch on the standing of Moldovan history writing in comparison with World War Two research published outside the country; the new tendencies in history writing; and whether these emerging currents might lead in the near future to the transcendence of the politicised approaches that are currently dominant.


2021 ◽  
pp. 191-220
Author(s):  
Riccardo Altieri

Using the example of the couple Rosi Wolfstein (1888-1987) and Paul Frölich (1884-1953), Riccardo Altieri's contribution shows a transnational double biography framed by a network of people who must be consulted to reconstruct the portrait of their lives. Open and closed sub-networks from various left-wing parties from the period before the First World War to after the Second World War are elaborated. The essay is intended as a practical example of the theoretical field of transmigration research of refugees from the Nazi regime, on whose life paths only a small number of sources have survived. Network research is capable of bridging such gaps in the archival tradition.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-323
Author(s):  
Amy Smith

According to most accounts of the literary history of Northern Ireland, the flourishing of poetry during the late 1960s marked a radical departure from the creative stagnation of the preceding decades; Heaney, Mahon, Longley, and others sought to establish poetic roots in a relatively barren landscape. In this essay I challenge such preconceptions by exploring aspects of a loosely-formed coterie of poets who lived and wrote in Northern Ireland during the Second World War. Perhaps the most popular figure within this group was the Presbyterian minister W.R. Rodgers, whose neo-romantic idiom and Audenesque ideas received many favourable reviews throughout Britain and Ireland. Focusing on Rodgers, I identify the central concerns which united an otherwise diverse group of writers: left-wing political conviction and a desire to see radical social change. In Rodgers's poetry, this theme is communicated through his repeated use of the symbol of the airman.


1978 ◽  
Author(s):  
Προκόπιος Παπαστρατής

Britain became increasingly involved in Greek affairs as a result of the outbreak of the Second World War and the Italian attack on Greece. The British failed in their efforts to form a Balkan front in order to forestall the Germans but nevertheless they decided to send a small Expeditionary Force to Greece. This however did not prevent the Germans from overrunning the country. The King and his Government after an initial stay in Egypt moved to London, but were finally established in Cairo in the spring of 1943. In the meantime the Government was twice reconstructed, the last time as a result of a left-wing mutiny in the army which brought venizelist politicians in the Cabinet. The British Government recognised and supported the King and his Government as legally reprenting Greece. At the same time they were well aware that the King and his Government were unpopular to the Greek people and to,the most important of the resistance movements, the left-wing EAM/ELAS; the British feared that EAM/ELAS would seize power in Greece at the time of liberation. The changing political and military situation in Greece and the Balkans towards the end of 1943 prompted the British to readjust their policy towards Greece without,however, abandoning its basic principle. After failing in this,due to the negative attitude of the King, the British attention was focused on the formation of a National Government while a serious army crisis in April 1944 resulted in the resignation of the Tsouderos Government. The National Government under Papandreou was formed early in the summer after the conclusion of the Lebanon Conference. EAM decided to participate in the Government in August. At the same time the Government moved to Italy where at Caserta it was agreed that ELAS and EDES would come under the orders of General Scobie, the Commander of the British forces which would be send to Greece. Athens was liberated ôn October 12, 1944 and the Greek Government moved in a few days later.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 393-402
Author(s):  
Eric Touya de Marenne

The recent gilets jaunes movement in France has put in question the traditional oppositions (left/right, progressive/conservative) that has marked the French political discourse since the Second World War. What are the causes and ramifications of this significant transformation? Are these protests that paralyzed France for more than half a year only a “French story” or do they raise issues beyond the borders of France? Have the decisions made by the French government in response to the movement resolved the crisis? This article explores the extent to which the gilets jaunes movement reveals France’s current contradictions between its ambition to remain a major nation in the world and the formidable challenges it faces regarding the preservation of its sovereignty with respect to EU’s demands, its socio-economic welfare system in a globalized world, and its democratic form of governance with the rise of populism. These questions/issues that are deeply rooted in the movement have national but also global implications.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (5 Zeszyt specjalny) ◽  
pp. 95-117
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bossaert

It cannot be denied that historical figures, when literarized, are also coloured by their respective authors and how they can be found in the literary field and also played a role outside their literary context. The Author would like to assume a literary sociological point of view, and in this contribution the tension between the authority and autonomy of the author is linked to the characters he has created. In this research, the Author focuses on the Flemish hero Jan de Lichte and three authors who have written a work about Jan de Lichte’s gang. He starts with Ernest Ternest from Wetteren. It is interesting to consider for a moment the reputation and the life and work of popular writer Abraham Hans, who was born in (Sint-Maria-)Horebeke in a community now known as the Geuzenhoek, a small Protestant community in at that time predominantly Catholic Flanders. Finally, the Author looks at the role outside the literary field of Louis Paul Boon, who also called himself a tender anarchist, worked for a while as a journalist for the left-wing magazine De Roode Vaan and immediately after the Second World War sympathised with communist ideas.


1992 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Sassoon

The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, had become effectively divided. In Eastern, and in parts of Central Europe a form of socialist society was created, only to be bitterly denounced by the (social-democratic) majority of the Western labour movement. It lasted until 1989–90, when, as each of these socialist states collapsed under the weight of internal dissent following the revocation of Soviet control, it became apparent that no novel socialist phoenix would arise from the ashes of over forty years of authoritarian left-wing rule – at least for the foreseeable future.


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