Lunatics, Idiots, Paupers, and Negro Seamen—Immigration Federalism and the Early American State

2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna O. Law

Why did it take the U.S. national government until 1882 to gain control over migration policies from the states, and what does this situation say about the strength of the early American State? This phenomenon is especially curious, since the control of entry into and across a nation is so fundamental to the very definition of a State. I argue that the delay of the national government takeover was not due to a lack of administrative capacity. Instead, there were regionally specific reasons that the states preferred to retain control of migration policy. The national government did not take over migration policy because of the strong nineteenth-century political-cultural understanding that many migration policies were properly within the province of local control. This article explains the timing and sequencing of state and federal controls over nineteenth-century migration policy and what this timing meant for the freedom of movement of many politically vulnerable classes of people.

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-121
Author(s):  
Margaret D. Stetz

The New Man was a crucial topic of discussion and a continual preoccupation in late-Victorian feminist writing, precisely because he was more often a wished-for presence than an actual one. Nevertheless, creators of neo-Victorian fiction and film repeatedly project him backwards onto the screen of literary history, representing him as having in fact existed in the Victorian age as a complement to the New Woman. What is at stake in retrospectively situating the New Man – or, as I will call him, the ‘Neo-Man’ – in the nineteenth century, through historical fiction? If one impulse behind fictional returns to the Victorian period is nostalgia, then what explains this nostalgia for The Man Who Never Was? This essay will suggest that neo-Victorian works have a didactic interest in transforming present-day readers, especially men, through depictions of the Neo-Man, which broaden the audience's feminist sympathies, queer its notions of gender relations, and alter its definition of masculinity.


This volume highlights the challenges of contemporary policymaking and scholarship on high-skilled migration. Both areas often focus rather narrowly on migration policy without considering systematically and rigorously other economic, social, and political drivers of migration. These structural drivers are often equally or sometimes even more important than migration policies per se. To be successful in recruiting on the global skill market, countries have to implement coherent whole-of-government immigration policy packages which are to be embedded in a country’s broader economic, social, and political structures and the broader context of international migration processes and dynamics. Societies and economies that are able to create a welcoming environment for people, attractive professional conditions for workers, and a business climate for employers are likely to succeed in attracting and recruiting skilled workers that are in demand. The chapter concludes with some proposals aimed at improving the efficiency of the global skill market.


Author(s):  
Ronald Skeldon

After a consideration of who the skilled are, this chapter pursues four main themes. First, direct policies to attract skilled migrants are secondary to indirect policies designed to establish the industries and services that will lead to the employment of the skilled. Second, direct policies to attract the skilled need to be integrated into wider policies that see the immigration of the less skilled also to be important. Third, attempts to retain the skilled need to be framed in the context of a high turnover of the skilled, a turnover facilitated by the nature of the channels through which they move. Fourth, a consideration of the global production of the skilled through education and training and how that impacts on the flows. These four themes are closely interrelated and provide a basis for a broader interpretation of skilled migration policy.


Author(s):  
Corrine M. McConnaughy

The women’s movement of the nineteenth century emerged within a context of proliferating civic organizations making demands on the American state. This chapter considers how this era of activism shaped the development of social movements for women’s rights and policy demands, arguing that social identities were influential determinants of the paths that women’s activism took through a web of organizational possibilities. The chapter first discusses how membership, organizational structure, and repertoires of activism were produced by the layers of identities and organizations from which they were built. It then turns to how coalitional strategies emerged, including the importance of bridge actors across layers of interest organizations. Finally, it highlights how the varied policy outcomes of women’s activism across both time and states within the layered era have enabled conditional explanations of activism’s effectiveness, including new understandings of when gender worked as a constraint and when it facilitated success.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 289-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Nicolay

THOMAS CARLYLE’S CONTEMPTUOUS DESCRIPTION of the dandy as “a Clothes-wearing Man, a Man whose trade, office, and existence consists in the wearing of Clothes” (313) has survived as the best-known definition of dandyism, which is generally equated with the foppery of eighteenth-century beaux and late nineteenth-century aesthetes. Actually, however, George Brummell (1778–1840), the primary architect of dandyism, developed not only a style of dress, but also a mode of behavior and style of wit that opposed ostentation. Brummell insisted that he was completely self-made, and his audacious self-transformation served as an example for both parvenus and dissatisfied nobles: the bourgeois might achieve upward mobility by distinguishing himself from his peers, and the noble could bolster his faltering status while retaining illusions of exclusivity. Aristocrats like Byron, Bulwer, and Wellington might effortlessly cultivate themselves and indulge their taste for luxury, while at the same time ambitious social climbers like Brummell, Disraeli, and Dickens might employ the codes of dandyism in order to establish places for themselves in the urban world. Thus, dandyism served as a nexus for the declining aristocratic elite and the rising middle class, a site where each was transformed by the dialectic interplay of aristocratic and individualistic ideals.


1953 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas T. McAvoy

The factors that caused the Roman authorities to insist on a Plenary Council of the American Bishops in 1884 have not been sufficiently explained. Perhaps the role of the American prelates in opposing the opportuneness of the definition of the doctrine of infallibility had some influence. Undoubtedly the reports of the bishops in their ad limina visits to Rome did little to subdue any fears that may have arisen. The frequent appeals of recalcitrant clergymen against their bishops were going directly to Rome because there was no intermediate court. The Instruction of 1878 makes this quite clear. Rome had shown its dissatisfaction with the condition of Catholic education by its interrogatory and its Instruction of 1875. The renewed condemnation of the Fenians had some American effects; and the renewed condemnation of the Masons with applications to certain other American social organizations indicated that all was not well in the social conditions of Catholics in the United States. Had the prelates in Rome understood American democracy and American conditions they would have had to have been much better informed than most Europeans in the nineteenth century. America was to Europe a land of great physical possibility, but a land without any great culture or religious accomplishments. Even European liberals did not understand the manhood suffrage of American democracy. The Catholic leaders of southern Europe, so generally aligned with conservative and monarchist parties, could have little understanding of American democracy in the religious sphere. In Rome where the hierarchical arrangement had not been fully dissociated from monarchical government and where Roman law with its insistence on the union of Church and State was the basis of most political thought, even the most sympathetic seemed to have some misgivings about the manifest loyalty of the American Catholics to the Holy See.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanvedes Daovisan ◽  
Pimporn Phukrongpet ◽  
Thanapauge Chamaratana

PurposeThere is an ongoing debate in the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) Blueprint 2015 concerning the skilled labour migration policy regimes. This review aims to systematise the free flow of skilled labour migration policies in Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar and Vietnam (CLMV) countries.Design/methodology/approachThis review utilised a qualitative systematic in peer-reviewed journals for the period 2015–2019. The initial search identified 28,874 articles. Of those articles, 10,612 articles were screened, 738 articles were checked, 150 articles were selected and 18 articles met the criteria. Data were analysed using thematic synthesis (e.g. coding, categorisation, synthesis and summarisation).FindingsThe review suggested that free movement from CLMV countries is the cause of the mass exodus of unskilled migration to high-income countries. The review found that the free flow of migration policy in the AEC Blueprint 2015 is associated with illegal, unauthorised and unskilled workers in the host country.Research limitations/implicationsA systematic review is qualitative in nature, in which the relevant existing literature lacks some empirical studies, and the results must be generalisable.Practical implicationsThe current systematic review provides a visual diagram for practical implications to isolate undocumented, illegal, unpermitted and unskilled migrant workers and further reduce the mass exodus of migration from CLMV countries.Originality/valueTo the authors' knowledge, this is the first review to extend the literature to the macro-level determinants of free flow of skilled labour migration policies in CLMV countries. The present review seeks to inform the policy responses of moving freely between sending and receiving countries.


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